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UNIVERSITY    OF  ^/pNN SYLVAN! A 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL     PUBLICATIONS    OF 

THE    UNIVERSITY    MUSEUM 
VOL.  I  NO.  1 


ETHNOLOGY  OF  THE  YUCHI  INDIANS 

BHiiB 

FRANK  G,  SPECK 


Dissertation  presented  to  the  Faculty  of  the  University    »1   Pen 
for  the  degree  of   Our.tor  of  Philosophy 


PHILADELPHIA 

PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY    MUSEUM 
1909 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUBLICATIONS    OF 

THE     UNIVERSITY     MUSEUM 
VOL.  I.  NO.  1. 


ETHNOLOGY  OF  THE  YUCHI  INDIANS 

BY 

FRANK  G.  SPECK 

GEORGE   LEIB  HARRISON  FELLOW  IN  ANTHROPOLOGY 


PHILADELPHIA 
PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY   MUSEUM 

1909 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

INTRODUCTION 5 

THE  YUCHI  INDIANS 6 

HISTORICAL  SKETCH 7 

POPULATION 9 

ENVIRONMENT 11 

NEIGHBORS 11 

NATURAL  ENVIRONMENT 13 

LANGUAGE 15 

MATERIAL  CULTURE 18 

AGRICULTURE 18 

HUNTING 19 

FISHING 23 

POTTERY  AND  WORK  IN  CLAY 25 

BASKET  MAKING 31 

OTHER  OCCUPATIONS 34 

HOUSES 37 

DOMESTIC  UTENSILS 41 

FOOD  AND  ITS  PREPARATION 42 

DRESS  AND  ORNAMENT 46 

DECORATIVE  ART  AND  SYMBOLISM 54 

MUSIC 61 

DIVISION  OF  TIME 67 

SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION 68 

KINSHIP 68 

THE  CLANS 70 

CRIMES  AND    PUNISHMENTS 73 

THE  SOCIETIES 74 

(3) 


4  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION  .—Continued. 

THE  TOWN  AND  TOWN  SQUARE 78 

TOWN  OFFICIALS  AND  COUNCIL 81 

WARFARE 84 

GAMES 86 

CUSTOMS 91 

BIRTH 91 

NAMING 93 

MARRIAGE 95 

INITIATION 96 

MENSTRUATION 96 

BURIAL 97 

MISCELLANEOUS 99 

RELIGION 102 

RELIGIOUS  BELIEFS  AND  FOLKLORE 102 

SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  TOWN  SQUARE Ill 

CEREMONIES 112 

THE  ANNUAL  TOWN  CEREMONIES 116 

NEW'  FIRE  RITE 120 

SCARIFICATION   RITE 121 

THE  RITE   OF   THE   EMETIC 122 

DANCING 124 

TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE 132 

SHAMANISM 132 

CEREMONIES 135 

AMULETS 137 

MYTHOLOGY 138 

SUPPLEMENTARY  MYTHS..  .   143 


ETHNOLOGY  OF  THE  YUCHI  INDIANS. 

INTRODUCTION. 

In  the  summers  of  1904  and  1905  I  spent  a  total  of  about  four  months 
among  the  Yuchi  Indians  of  the  Creek  nation  in  Oklahoma  collecting  material 
for  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology.  The  investigation  was  undertaken  at 
the  recommendation  of  Dr.  Franz  Boas  of  Columbia  University.  Funds  to 
cover  transportation  and  the  collection  of  ethnological  specimens  were  furnished 
by  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History  upon  both  occasions  under  Dr. 
Boas's  recommendation.  The  greater  part  of  the  ethnological  material 
offered  in  this  paper  was  obtained  at  the  same  time,  and  is  published  with  the 
permission  of  both  the  scientific  institutions  concerned. 

Again  during  the  winter  of  1908  while  holding  a  Harrison  fellowship  at  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  I  was  able  under  special  provision  of  the  Provost 
to  make  a  third  visit  to  the  Yuchi  for  the  purpose  of  completing  my  observa- 
tions, and  the  studies  which  are  embodied  in  the  present  work  took  their  final 
form  during  this  period. 

It  has  been  my  object  simply  to  give  an  account  of  the  Yuchi  Indians 
as  they  exist  at  the  present  day  and  as  they  presented  themselves  to  me  during 
my  several  periods  of  residence  among  them,  purposely  avoiding  any 
lengthy  discussion  of  the  conditions  which  I  encountered.  Much  of  the 
description  is  based  directly  upon  observation;  the  rest  of  the  matter  was 
obtained  from  informants  who  are  responsible  for  its  accuracy 

Among  the  latter  were  G \mbesl' ne  (Jim  Brown),  Ekllane  (Louis  Long), 
Ka'Kd  (John  Wolf),  George  Clinton,  John  Big  Pond,  Gonlantcme  (Jim  Tiger), 
Henry  Long,  and  Fagosonwl',  all  of  whom  held  civil  or  religious  offices  in  the 
tribe,  and  others  who  from  time  to  time  appeared  to  be  well  informed  upon 
special  topics. 


(*) 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 


THE  YUCHI  INDIANS. 

Among  the  indigenous  tribes  of  the  southeastern  United  States,  living 
within  a  territory  roughly  denned  by  the  borders  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina, 
was  one,  exhibiting  a  type  of  culture  common  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
country  bordering  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  east  of  the  Mississippi  river,  whose 
members  called  themselves  Tsoyahd,  "Offspring  of  the  Sun,"  otherwise  known 
as  the  Yuchi.  Constituting  an  independent  linguistic  stock  (called  Uchean 
in  Powell's  classification),  their  earliest  associations,  in  so  far  as  these  are 
revealed  by  history  and  tradition,  were  identified  with  the  banks  of  the 
Savannah  river  where  they  lived  at  a  very  early  time  in  contact  with  a 
southern  band  of  Shawnee,  and  near  the  seats  of  the  Cherokee,  the  Catawba, 
the  Santee,  and  the  Yamasi.  These  tribes,  together  with  the  Yuchi, 
represent  five  distinct  linguistic  stocks;  a  greater  diversity  of  language  than 
is  usually  found  in  so  restricted  an  area  east  of  the  Mississippi.  The  Yuchi 
maintain  that  they  were  originally  one  of  the  large  tribes  of  the  Southeast 
which,  suffering  oppression  at  the  hands  of  encroaching  tribes  of  the  Muskogian 
stock,  became  much  reduced  and  was  finally  incorporated,  together  with  the 
Shawnee,  into  the  loose  coalition  of  southeastern  tribes  known  in  colonial 
history  as  the  Creek  confederacy  or  the  Creek  Nation.  Indeed  it  is  supposed, 
and  is  moreover  highly  probable,  that  in  the  course  of  extended  migrations 
the  Creeks  pressed  for  a  considerable  length  of  time  upon  the  Yuchi,  who,  in 
a  fruitless  effort  to  check  the  advance  of  the  Muskogi  confederacy,  resisted 
the  pressure  as  long  as  they  were  able,  eventually  made  peace  and  themselves 
joined  the  league. 


F.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE    YDCHI    INDIANS. 


HISTORICAL  SKETCH 

The  early  historical  and  literary  sources  of  information  about  the  Yuchi  are 
very  meagre  indeed.  De  Soto  in  his  invasion  of  the  Florida  wilderness  (1540) 
is  believed  to  have  entered  Yuchi  territory,  and  it  may  be  granted  that  an 
examination  of  some  names  mentioned  by  his  chroniclers  would  appear  to  give 
some  color  to  this  belief.1  Among  other  examples  of  the  kind  a  town 
named  Cofitachiqui,  variously  spelled,  where  De  Soto  was  hospitably  received 
by  the  "Queen,"  is  believed  without  much  hesitation  by  some  writers  to  have 
been  a  Yuchi  town.  The  Yuchi,  however,  do  not  recognize  the  terms  Cofi- 
tachiqui, Cutifachiqui,  or  any  similar  forms  of  the  name  given  by  Biedma, 
Ranjel,  or  the  Gentleman  of  Elvas.  On  the  other  hand,  evidence  of  De  Soto's 
contact  with  the  Yuchi  is  not  entirely  wanting  in  these  narratives,  for  we  are 
told  of  a  captive  who  claimed  to  belong  to  a  people  eastward  in  a  land  called 
"Yupaha,"  which  in  Yuchi  means  'in  the  distant  heights,'  (yuba,  'far  high,'  he 
'in,')  or  'the  high  people'  (yuba,  ha  collective  particle,  'people').  This  piece  of 
evidence  stands  quite  by  itself,  for  it  is  rather  hazardous  to  attempt  to  identify 
with  the  Yuchi  any  of  the  other  tribal  names  given  by  the  Spanish  explorers. 
There  is  a  possibility  that  the  French  under  Ribault  and  Laudonniere  came  in 
contact  with  the  Yuchi,  or  at  least  with  tribes  of  similar  culture,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  John's  river  at  Fort  Caroline  in  1564,  but  the  evidence  furnished  by 
a  study  of  names  is  not  any  more  satisfactory  in  this  case.  The  customs  of 
the  natives  encountered,  however,  agree  with  those  of  the  Yuchi,  judging 
from  the  pictures  made  by  Le  Moyne,2  the  artist  of  the  expedition. 

About  the  year  1729  the  Yuchi  are  supposed  to  have  been  gathered  on  the 
Chattahoochee  river  under  the  protection  of  the  Creek  confederacy.  Hardly 
anything  more  is  heard  of  the  tribe  until  shortly  before  1791,  when  it  was 
visited  by  William  Bartram  of  Philadelphia,  who  recorded  a  few  facts  about 
Yuchi  town  and  its  houses.3  He  thought  the  Indians  numbered  1000  or 
1500,  as  they  were  said  to  muster  500  gun  men.  Later,  in  1798-99,  we  find 
the  Yuchi  described  by  Benj.  Hawkins,4  as  constituting  one  of  the  chief 
towns  of  the  Lower  Creeks,  located  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Chattahoochee 
river,  having  three  villages  and  250  gun  men.  His  other  remarks  are  not  of 

1  Narratives  of  De  Soto  (in  Trailmakers'  Series),  Vols.  I  and  II. 
1  De  Dry,  Larger  Voyage,  Part  II,  Florida  (English). 

3  Travels  through  North  and  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  etc.,  Phila.,  1791,  p.  388. 

4  Sketch    of  Creek    Country,   published   in   Collection,    Georgia   Historical  Society 
(1848),  p.  62. 


8  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

much  ethnological  value.  During  the  Creek  War  (1813-1814),  the  Yuchi 
took  a  prominent  part  in  affairs,  and  later  removed  (1836)  with  the  so-called 
Creek  Nation  to  the  lands  beyond  the  Mississippi  river  where  they  are  now 
located.  They  still  maintain  to  a  certain  degree  their  cultural  unity  in 
spite  of  contact  with  aliens  for  so  long  a  period.  In  1900-1901  some  of 
them  joined  the  Crazy  Snake  band  of  Creeks  who  threatened  trouble  for 
the  Dawes  Commission  over  the  allotment  of  lands  in  the  Creek  Nation. 

The  main  published  sources  of  information  on  the  Yuchi  are  the  following : 
Albert  Gallatin  collected  and  published  a  vocabulary  almost  useless  on  account 
of  inadequate  orthography.1  Gatschet  gives  some  ethnologic  notes,2  a  brief 
summary  of  the  language,3  three  Yuchi  myths,4  and  also  a  very  general 
description  of  the  tribe.5 

Other  references  to  the  Yuchi  in  literature  are  mostly  quotations  from 
the  sources  mentioned.  A  short  review  of  the  chief  characteristics  of  Yuchi 
ethnology  is  to  be  found  in  the  Handbook  of  the  American  Indians.6  In  a 
general  article  on  southeastern  culture,7  Yuchi  material  was  also  used  by  the 
writer  for  comparative  purposes. 

The  Yuchi,  in  accordance  with  their  belief  that  they  were  the  original  occu- 
pants of  eastern  Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  have  no  migration  legend.  Their 
only  myth  of  this  class  tells  how  a  part  of  the  tribe  broke  away  from  the  main 
stock  as  the  result  of  a  dispute  at  a  dance  and  departed  westward,  never  to 
be  heard  of  again.  This  tradition,  like  many  others,  is  found  widely  distributed 
over  America  in  various  guises  and  evidently  reflects  certain  elements  common 
to  Indian  mythology  rather  than  an  actual  experience  of  the  tribe  relating  it. 
At  the  same  time  the  Indians  have  a  very  firm  belief  that  another  band  of 
Yuchi  is  somewhere  in  existence,  a  belief  which,  while  it  has  nothing  to  support 
it  except  the  stories  that  they  tell,  should  not,  perhaps,  be  altogether  ignored.8 


1  American  Antiquarian,  Vol.  II  (1836),  pp.  306  et  seq. 

2  Ibid.  (1879),  p.  77. 

3  Science,  Apr.,  1887,  p.  413. 

4  American  Anthropologist,  Vol.  VI  (1893),  p.  280. 

s  Migration  Legend  of  the  Creek  Indians  (1884),  Vol.  I,  pp.  17-24,  Vol.  II,  passim. 
8  Bulletin  30,  Bureau  American  Ethnology  (1907),  part  2. 

7  American  Anthropologist,  N.  S.,  Vol.  9,  No.  2  (1907),  pp.  287-295. 

8  A  chief  related  the  following  incident  in  mentioning  this  tradition.     "I  was  in  Mus- 
kogee  (Oklahoma).  I  passed  an  Indian  on  the  street.  We  spoke  together.  He  said  he  was  a 
Yuchi  from  near  the  mountains.    We  could  understand  each  other,  but  he  was  not  a  Yuchi 
of  our  country.     I  don't  know  where  he  belonged  or  where  he  went.     He  may  have  been 
one  of  the  other  band."     On  another  occasion  some  Yuchi  who  were  attending  an  Indian 
show  were  addressed  by  a  strange  Indian  in  the  following  words:  "  Wigya'  n6nAn," 
'  What  are  you?'     They  observed,  they  say,  a  slight  difference  between  his  speech  and 
theirs,  but  before  they  could  find  out  from  him  where  he  came  from  he  was  called  away 
by  someone  and  they  could  not  find  him  again.     The  Yuchi  talk  a  great  deal  about  those 
occasions,  and  seem  to  have  hopes  of  finding  the  lost  people  some  day. 


F.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE    YCC1II    INDIANS. 


POPULATION. 

At  the  present  day  the  Yuchi  are  located  in  the  northwestern  part  of  the 
Creek  nation,  where  they  have  been  since  the  removal  in  1836.  They  inhabit 
the  well-watered  hills  in  the  section  known  locally  as  the  Cross  Timber,  a 
thinly  wooded  tract  running  in  a  general  northerly  and  southerly  direction 
through  central  Oklahoma,  the  last  extensive  frontier  of  timber  on  the  south- 
western prairies  marking  the  old  boundaries  of  Oklahoma  and  Indian  Terri- 
tory. There  are  in  this  region  three  so-called  settlements  of  Yuchi,  called 
respectively  Polecat,  Sand  Creek  and  Big  Pond  by  the  whites.  All  of  these 
settlements  are  distributed  in  a  region  extending  from  Polecat  Creek  to  the 
Deep  Fork  of  the  Canadian  river.  When,  however,  the  term  settlement  is 
used  for  such  inhabited  districts  it  is  a  little  misleading  because,  although 
the  Indians  are  a  little  more  closely  grouped  in  the  three  neighborhoods  men- 
tioned, they  are  really  scattered  over  the  whole  of  the  Cross  Timber  country, 
none  of  which  is  thickly  settled  by  them.  Their  plantations,  where  they 
engage  in  agriculture  or  in  cattle  raising,  are  not  in  close  proximity  to  each 
other,  except  where  some  passable  road  and  the  nearness  to  good  water  and 
arable  soil  combine  to  attract  them.  In  such  cases  there  may  be  a  dozen 
families  found  within  the  radius  of  a  mile  or  so.  In  some  parts  of  their  habitat, 
however,  ten  or  twelve  miles  of  forest  and  prairie  affording  good  cover  for 
game  may  be  traversed  without  passing  a  plantation.  Thus,  according  to 
their  own  accounts  as  well  as  those  of  their  neighbors  the  Creeks,  the  Yuchi 
were  accustomed  to  live  in  their  old  homes  in  Georgia  and  Alabama. 

It  is  a  very  difficult  matter  at  present  to  estimate  the  number  of  the  Yuchi 
on  account  of  their  scattered  condition.  As  no  separate  classification  is  made 
for  them  in  the  government  census  they  are  counted  as  Creeks.  Their  numbers, 
however,  can  hardly  exceed  five  hundred.  They  are  apparently  most  numerous 
in  the  vicinity  of  Polecat  Creek.  The  other  neighborhoods  are  somewhat  less 
populous  but  are  regarded  as  being  a  little  more  conservative. 

Despite  the  fact  that  three  settlements  are  recognized  by  themselves  and 
their  neighbors,  the  Yuchi  constitute  only  a  single  town  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Creeks.  The  latter,  as  is  well  known,  had  a  national  convention  in  which 
delegates  were  received  from  all  the  towns  and  tribes  of  the  confederacy. 
Accordingly  the  Yuchi,  as  one  of  the  confederated  town-tribes,  had  the  privi- 
lege of  sending  one  representative  to  the  House  of  Kings  and  four  to  the  House 
of  Warriors,  as  they  called  the  two  political  assemblies  of  the  Creek  Nation 
at  Muscogee.  This  convention  met  once  a  year  until  1906  and  was  a  modified 


10  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

and  modernized  survival  of  the  form  of  assembly  held  in  the  old  days  by  the 
tribes  constituting  the  Muskogian  alliance.  These  bodies  met  irregularly  to 
consider  questions  which  arose  between  them,  as  a  loosely  united  league,  and 
the  United  States  Government  or  other  tribes.  If  the  numerical  strength  of 
the  tribe  recorded  by  Bartram  in  1791  and  Hawkins  in  1798-99  can  be  regarded 
as  approximately  correct  the  Yuchi  must  now  be  on  the  decrease.  Bartram 
thought  there  were  500  gun  men,  and  Hawkins  stated,  only  a  few  years  later, 
that  there  were  250  gun  men.  In  any  case,  granting  the  existence  of  inaccu- 
racies in  both  estimates,  it  is  safe  to  conclude  that  the  numbers  of  the  Yuchi, 
like  the  other  surviving  tribes  of  the  Southeast,  have  dwindled  slightly  in  the 
last  hundred  years.  Numerical  comparisons  of  this  sort  between  past  and 
present  are,  however,  of  very  little  value,  as  can  be  seen  from  the  wide  discrep- 
ancies in  the  early  estimates. 


F.   G.   SPECK ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE    YUCHI   INDIANS.  11 


ENVIRONMENT. 

NEIGHBORS. 

The  Yuchi  of  the  present  time  have  nearly  forgotten  their  old  associations 
east  of  the  Mississippi.  Their  geographical  knowledge  is  practically  limited 
to  their  immediate  surroundings.  They  are  known  to  the  Creeks  as  Yu'tci, 
plural  YutcA.'lgi,  to  the  Cherokee  as  Yu'tsi,  and  to  the  Chickasaw  as  Yu'tci.  An 
informant  stated  that  they  were  known  to  the  Comanche  as  SakydwA*. 

To  the  Yuchi  their  near  neighbors  the  Creeks  are  known  as  Ku'ba, '  looking 
this  way'  (?),  plural  Ku'baha.  The  Shawnee  they  call  Yon'cta,  the  Cherokee 
Tsala"ki,  and  the  Choctaw  TccP'ta.  Their  name  for  whites  in  general  is  Ka"ka 
(Goydka)  'man  white,'  for  negroes  Go'cpi,  'man  black.' 

In  their  bearing  towards  other  tribes  it  is  noticeable  that  the  Yuchi  hold 
them  in  some  contempt.  They  seldom  mix  socially  with  the  Creeks,  presum- 
ably because  of  their  former  enmity.  A  strong  feeling  of  friendship  is,  how- 
ever, manifested  toward  the  Shawnee,  which  is  probably  a  sentiment  surviving 
from  early  affiliation  with  the  southern  branch  of  this  people  on  the  Savannah 
river.1  It  should  be  added,  however,  that  the  Shawnee  who  associate  with 
the  Yuchi  are  not  part  of  the  large  band  known  as  the  Absentee  Shawnee  of 
Oklahoma.  The  former  are  not  at  all  numerous,  but  live  scattered  among  the 
Yuchi  villages. 

With  their  neighbors  on  the  west,  the  Sauk  and  Fox,  the  Yuchi  have  devel- 
oped, since  the  removal,  considerable  intimacy.  Their  contact  can  be  traced 
in  trade,  in  attendance  upon  each  other's  ceremonies,  and  especially  in  the 
Plains  practice  of  "sweating"  horses,  which  will  be  described  later.  It  is  not 
impossible  that  some  of  the  items  of  Yuchi  culture,  particularly  in  decora- 
tive art,  may  be  found  to  have  been  derived  from  the  Sank  and  Fox  when 
more  is  known  on  both  sides. 

The  following  translation  from  the  beginning  of  a  myth,  describing  the  way 
in  which  the  tribes  were  distributed  over  the  earth,  shows  the  Yuchi  concept 
regarding  the  origin  of  their  neighbors :  "  Now  the  people  had  come  upon  the 
earth.  The  Shawnee  came  from  above.  The  Creeks  came  from  the  ground. 
The  Choctaw  came  from  the  water.  The  Yuchi  came  from  the  sun." 

'Cf.  Linguistic  map  of  North  American  Indians,  Algonkian  area  near  Uchean 
(Yuchi);  Mooney,  Myths  of  the  Cherokee,  19th  Report,  Bureau  American  Ethnology,  p. 
494;  Siouan  Tribes  of  the  East,  p.  83;  Schoolcraft,  North  American  Indians,  Vol.  V,  p. 
262  et  seq.  (1791);  Benj.  Hawkins,  sketch  of  Creek  Country  (1798-99),  pp.  34,  63. 


12  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   \OL.    I. 

Like  many  Indians  the  Yuchi  show  in  their  manner  and  speech  not  a  little 
suspicion  and  some  contempt  for  the  whites,  whom  they  believe  to  be  fickle 
and  weak.  These  qualities  are  ascribed  by  the  Yuchi  to  the  manner  of  their 
origin,  for  it  is  explained  in  a  myth  that  the  white  men  originated  from  the 
unstable  foam  of  the  sea  which  is  ever  blown  hither  and  thither  by  the  chang- 
ing winds.  When  first  seen  they  were  thought  to  be  sea  gulls,  but  they 
appeared  to  the  Yuchi  again  and  tried  to  converse  with  them.  Once  more, 
when  a  year  had  passed  they  appeared  again  in  numerous  ships  and  this  time 
they  landed,  but  left  before  long.  Another  time  they  appeared,  bringing 
boxes  which  they  filled  with  earth  in  which  they  planted  some  seeds.  They 
told  the  Indians  that  their  land  was  fat,  i.  e.  fertile,  and  asked  for  a  portion  of 
it  to  live  upon.  With  this  request  the  Indians  complied,  and  the  white  people 
made  a  settlement  and  stayed.  One  cannot  fail  to  suspect  that  this  bare 
tradition  contains  a  memory  of  Ribault's  expedition  to  Carolina  and  his  settle- 
ment at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's  river. 

The  negroes  on  their  part  do  not  challenge  much  attention  from  the  Yuchi. 
The  Indians  are  perhaps  more  tolerant  of  what  they  regard  as  foolish  behavior 
and  frivolity  on  the  part  of  the  black  man  than  on  the  part  of  the  white  man. 
At  one  time  the  Yuchi,  like  the  other  tribes  of  the  Southeast,  held  slaves,  but 
it  is  said  of  them  that  they  were  easy  masters,  and  when  the  time  came  to  do 
so,  gave  the  negroes  their  freedom  with  little  reluctance.  It  is  true  today 
that  many  negroes,  and  some  poor  whites  as  well,  are  eager  enough  to  work 
for  the  Indians  on  their  plantations. 

It  may  be  said  in  general  that  the  Yuchi  are  regarded  by  their  neighbors 
and  compatriots  the  Creeks  with  some  dislike,  tinged,  however,  with  jealousy 
and  a  little  personal  fear.  The  Creeks  are  fond  of  ridiculing  the  conservatism 
and  peculiarities  of  the  Yuchi,  but  they  take  care  not  to  do  so  openly  or  to 
provoke  personal  disputes  with  them.1  It  is  noticeable  that  there  exists  a 
slight  difference  in  physical  appearance  between  the  two  peoples.  The  Yuchi 
are  a  little  more  inclined  to  be  tall  and  slender  than  the  Creeks  and  their  skin 
is  a  trifle  lighter  in  tone.  These  differences  may  be  due  to  a  mixture  of  negro 
blood,  for  the  percentage  of  persons  of  mixed  blood  among  the  Yuchi,  who, 
however,  have  received  some  admixture  from  both  white  and  black,  is  smaller 
apparently  than  that  observed  among  the  Creek,  Seminole  and  Cherokee.  So 
far  as  the  Yuchi  are  concerned  the  process  of  cross-breeding  must  have  begun 
at  an  early  date  because  many  of  those  who  show  intermixture  have  no  direct 

1  A  Creek  Indian  of  Kawita  town,  for  instance,  gave  the  following  belief  in  regard  to  the 
Yuchi  and  their  language:  "When  the  Creator  made  the  ancestors  of  the  Indians  he  gave 
them  different  languages  until  he  had  none  left.  He  found  that  there  were  still  some 
Indians  whom  he  had  not  provided  for.  These  were  the  Yuchi.  Having  no  language  for 
them,  he  kicked  them  in  the  buttocks  saying  'B.\!'  which  explains  why  the  Yuchi  have 
such  an  unintelligible  speech." 


V.   G.   SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  13 

knowledge  of  any  other  than  Indian  ancestry.  Their  conservatism  in  this 
respect  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  notwithstanding  the  long  period  of  time 
during  which  the  Yuchi  have  been  in  contact  with  other  tribes  and  races 
there  are  very  many  pure  bloods  among  them  at  the  present  day. 

Calling  themselves  "Sun Offspring,"  the  Yuchi  believe  in  reality  that  they 
derive  their  origin  from  the  Sun,  who  figures  in  their  mythology  as  an  import- 
ant being  of  the  supernatural  world.  He  appears  as  their  culture  hero  after 
the  creation  of  the  tribal  ancestor  from  a  drop  of  menstrual  blood.  The  name 
Yuchi  (Yu'tcT),  however,  is  commonly  known  and  used  by  themselves  and  the 
whites  and  has  spread  among  neighboring  Indians  as  the  designation  of  the 
tribe.  It  is  presumably  a  demonstrative  signifying  'being  far  away'  or  'at  a 
distance'  in  reference  to  human  beings  in  a  state  of  settlement,  (yu,  'at  a  dis- 
tance,' tci,  'sitting  down'). 

It  is  possible,  in  attempting  an  explanation  of  the  origin  of  the  name,  that 
the  reply  "  Yu'tcl"  was  given  by  some  Indian  of  the  tribe  in  answer  to  a  stranger's 
inquiry,  "Where  do  you  come  from?"  which  is  a  common  mode  of  salutation 
in  the  Southeast.  The  reply  may  then  have  been  mistaken  for  a  tribal  name 
and  retained  as  such.  Similar  instances  of  mistaken  analogy  have  occurred 
at  various  times  in  connection  with  the  Indians  of  this  continent,  and  as  the 
Yuchi  interpreters  themselves  favor  this  explanation  it  has  seemed  advisable 
at  least  to  make  note  of  it. 

In  the  almost  universal  sign  language  of  the  Plains  the  sign  for  the  Yuchi 
is  the  right  hand  raised  level  with  the  head  with  the  index  finger  pointing 
upward ;  a  demonstration  indicating  affiliation  with  the  sun. 

NATUPAL  ENVIRONMENT. 

The  natural  surroundings  of  the  Yuchi  have  not  been  very  different 
in  the  various  locations  which  they  have  occupied  east  of  the  Mississippi. 
Even  after  the  removal  of  these  Indians  to  their  present  habitat  west  of  that 
river,  the  nature  of  their  environment  was  not  found  to  be  so  different  as  to 
force  them  to  make  much  change  in  their  manner  of  life.  That  is  to  say,  the 
keynote  of  their  activity  was  and  still  is  agriculture  supplemented  by  hunting 
and  fishing.  The  motives  for  the  accompanying  arts  of  basket  making  and 
pottery,  together  with  methods  of  warfare,  hunting,  fishing  and  religious 
observances,  have  all  likewise  remained  about  the  same  since  the  removal. 
Unlike  the  Siouan  peoples  who,  when  they  migrated  from  the  Mississippi  basin 
to  the  Plains,  gave  up  their  agricultural  life  entirely  and  became  hunting 
nomads,  the  Yuchi  retained  their  early  mode  of  life  amid  their  new  surround- 
ings and  transported,  with  little  change,  their  old  activities.  In  their  new 
home  in  Oklahoma  they  found  arable  soil,  plenty  of  rivers  containing  edible 
fish,  and  extensive  forests  and  savannahs  inhabited  by  birds  and  mammals  like 


14  ANTHKOPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

those  of  Georgia  and  Alabama.  Both  regions  are  rather  low  and  well  watered 
and  are  characterized  by  extensive  grassy  uplands  and  patches  of  forest, 
differing  to  some  extent  in  regard  to  flora  but  containing  many  species  in 
common.  Chief  among  these  are  the  pines,  the  oaks,  the  hickory,  and  the  bois 
d'arc,  as  well  as  many  wild  plants  and  vegetables  made  use  of  for  food  or 
medicines.  The  chief  plants  used  in  their  religious  rituals,  Red  root  (Salix 
tristis  (?)  and  Button  Snake  root  (Eryngium  yuccaefolium),  are  distributed 
over  both  areas;  consequently  the  Yuchi  were  not  forced  to  substitute,  in 
the  performance  of  religious  ceremonies,  other  plants  for  those  prescribed  by 
tradition.  One  vegetable  product,  however,  the  cane,  is  not  as  abundant  in 
Oklahoma  as  it  is  in  the  Southeast,  and  the  lack  of  this  plant  has  occasioned 
the  deterioration  in  the  art  of  basket  making  and  has  even  threatened  it  with 
total  extinction.  Canes  for  basketry  can  be  secured  nowadays  only  by  mak- 
ing long  journeys  to  distant  swampy  sections  and  consequently  remarkably 
few  cane  baskets  are  seen. 

The  fauna  of  the  two  regions  is  for  the  most  part  alike.  The  Indians  knew 
and  utilized  in  both  regions  the  bison,  elk,  Virginia  deer,  black  bear,  wolf, 
fox,  panther,  wildcat,  beaver,  rabbit,  squirrel,  raccoon,  possum,  skunk, 
weasel,  and  otter.  Common  to  both  regions  too  are  the  wild  turkey,  part- 
ridge, quail,  wild  pigeon,  mallard  duck,  teal  and  wild  goose.  Eagles  and 
herons  furnished  the  feathers  appropriate  for  ceremonial  uses  in  the  new  home 
as  in  the  old.  But  in  leaving  the  Southeast  they  left  behind  the  alligator, 
and  encountered  the  prong-horned  antelope  and  coyote,  and  they  noticed 
changes  in  the  number  and  distribution  of  their  former  animal  acquaintances. 
Lastly  the  streams  and  rivers  of  Oklahoma  were  found  to  contain  the  fish 
which  had  been  familiar  and  useful  in  the  Southeast,  namely  catfish,  dogfish, 
suckers,  garfish,  pickerel,  mullets,  and  several  kinds  of  bass. 

The  summers  of  Oklahoma,  like  those  of  Georgia  and  Alabama,  are  long 
and  hot,  but  the  winters  west  of  the  Mississippi  are  somewhat  colder  and  more 
severe  than  in  the  Southeast.  This  change  of  climate  has  had  its  detrimental 
effect  upon  the  Yuchi,  for  it  seems  that  their  habits  of  life  are  not  so  well  adapted 
to  the  severer  western  winters,  and  most  of  their  present  sufferings  are  due  to 
exposure  at  this  time  of  the  year.  On  the  whole,  however,  the  Yuchi,  men, 
women  and  children,  are  a  remarkably  strong  and  healthy  set  of  people. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  15 


LANGUAGE. 

My  original  purpose  in  visiting  the  Yuchi  was  to  collect  linguistic  matter, 
which  is  now  being  worked  up  for  special  purposes  in  the  interest  of  the  Bureau 
of  Ethnology.  Although  the  detailed  results  of  my  linguistic  studies  are  not 
available  for  the  present  paper  it  will  be  of  advantage  to  introduce  here  a 
general  statement  regarding  some  characteristics  of  the  language. 

It  is  quite  certain  now  that  Yuchi  is  spoken  in  only  one  dialect,  although 
there  is  a  current  opinion  that  formerly  the  stock  was  more  numerous  than  it 
is  at  present  and  that  the  language  was  spoken  in  two  dialects.  These  dialects 
are  stated  according  to  tradition  to  have  been  mutually  intelligible  when 
spoken  slowly.  The  language  is  characterized  as  regards  processes  by  the  use 
of  postpositional  and  prepositional  particles  to  show  local  modification  of  the 
noun,  and  by  the  use  of  auxiliaries  to  show  adverbial  and  modal  qualification 
of  the  verb.  Position  also  plays  some  part  in  the  expression  of  adverbial 
modification,  verbal  subordination,  and  sentence  syntax.  Inflection  is  not  a 
characteristic  of  Yuchi,  and  reduplication  is  only  used  to  denote  the  idea  of 
distribution  in  tune  and  space.  The  parts  of  speech  seem  to  be  nouns,  verbs, 
adverbs,  pronouns  and  particles.  There  are  no  syntactical  cases,  as  in  the 
neighboring  Muskogian.  The  position  of  words  indicates  their  syntactical 
relationship.  Neither  do  there  appear  to  be  case  affixes;  the  whole  range  of 
such  ideas,  locatives,  instrumental,  simulative,  ablative,  demonstratives  and 
others  being  expressed  by  particles.  In  this  class  are  also  the  temporal, 
modal  and  other  particles  used  with  verbs.  There  are  a  number  of  mono- 
syllabic local  and  adverbial  particles  which  have  very  general  meanings. 
These  syllables  may  enter  into  combination  with  each  other  and  form  thereby 
new  word  complexes  which  may  have  arbitrary  meanings  not  necessarily 
derivable  from  the  logical  sum  total  of  the  thoughts  expressed  by  them.  Such 
compounds  may  be  used  as  new  verbs,  new  nouns,  adverbs  or  auxiliaries. 
This  psychological  trait  of  Yuchi  is,  however,  not  an  uncommon  one  in  other 
American  languages.  There  is  apparently  no  true  plural,  either  in  nouns  or 
verbs.  The  place  of  the  plural  is  taken  by  the  distributive  idea  which  is 
expressed  by  reduplication.  Verbs  are  mostly  monosyllabic,  but  many  have 
developed  by  combination  into  polysyllabic  forms  impossible  to  analyze. 
Nouns  are  of  the  same  sort.  In  the  noun  compound  the  possessive  pronominal 
elements  are  quite  prominent,  and  their  place  is  often  taken  by  particles  going 
with  the  name  of  the  object,  and  immediately  before  it,  which  denote 
its  possessor.  These  possessive  particles,  however,  do  not  mark  off  any  par- 


1C  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    1. 

ticular  categories.  As  in  other  American  languages,  many  verb  and  noun 
stems  are  difficult  to  distinguish  apart.  The  difficulty  of  distinguishing 
between  verbs  and  nouns  is  further  increased  by  the  homology  between  the 
possessive  pronominal  and  the  active  subject  pronominal  forms.  As  regards 
personal  pronouns,  we  find  only  two  categories,  both  of  which  are  closely 
related.  Whether  active  or  neutral,  transitive  or  intransitive,  the  subjective 
pronominal  forms  are  the  same.  In  this  paradigm  are  also  included  the 
possessive  pronominal  forms.  The  other  category  is  the  objective  which  in 
all  but  the  first  and  second  persons  is  a  development  of  the  subjective  or  of  the 
absolute,  independent  forms.  All  of  the  pronominal  forms  are  independent 
words  capable  of  standing  by  themselves.  In  the  pronominal  persons  we 
have  first,  second,  third  masculine,  third  feminine  (both  of  which  refer  more 
particularly  to  Yuchi  Indians),  and  a  third  indefinite  form  which  includes 
whites,  negroes,  other  Indians,  animals  and  indefinite  objects  in  general. 
Besides  these  forms,  which  are  all  singular,  there  is  a  first  person  plural  and  a 
second  person  plural.  No  difference  is  recognized  in  the  pronouns  between 
the  third  person  singular  and  plural. 

To  conclude  this  brief  sketch,  it  may  be  said  that  the  whole  sentence,  hing- 
ing upon  the  verb,  which  comes  last  in  position,  is  built  up  with  various  loca- 
tive, adverbial,  and  pronominal  particles  which  have  fairly  definite  places  in 
the  sentence  but  which  are  not  inseparably  affixed  to  the  words  they  refer  to. 
Thus  the  sentence  may  be  built  up  more  and  more,  expressing  details  by 
simply  stringing  on  particles  or  particle  compounds  with  arbitrary  meanings 
before  one  another,  the  verb,  immediately  preceded  by  its  pronouns  and  these 
by  its  adverbs,  coming  last. 

The  subject  of  phonetics  has  bean  left  until  the  last  in  order  to  make  a  some- 
what special  mention  of  the  sounds  and  characters  to  be  used  in  recording 
terms  hereafter.  The  language,  generally  speaking,  is  acoustically  soft  and 
flowing  and  abounds  in  arrested  sounds  and  nasalized  vowels.  The  present- 
day  Yuchi  assert  that  they  speak  more  rapidly  than  the  old-time  people,  and, 
they  add,  the  purer  forms  of  the  expressions  are  often  mutilated  in  consequence. 
Another  notice  in  connection  with  phonetics  should  be  made  here  in  outline 
at  least.  It  is  the  constant  tendency  to  combine  phonetically  pronouns  with 
words,  and  words  with  other  words,  when  certain  vowels  and  semivowels 
come  together  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  words.  This  phonetic  coalescence 
has  a  tendency  to  obscure  some  particles  and  to  knit  parts  of  the  sentence  into 
a  closer  unity,  giving  the  whole  something  of  the  appearance  of  incorporatiou 
where  it  really  does  not  exist.  The  following  is  an  explanation  of  some  of 
the  sounds  encountered  in  the  recording  of  terms,  and  the  characters  which 
represent  them. 

In  the  stops  we  have  the  glottal  catch  represented  by  8.  The  palatal  surd 
k  and  sonant  g  are  both  similar  to  the  English  sounds.  The  alveolar  dentals 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE    YUCHI    INDIANS.  17 

/  and  d  and  the  labials  p  and  b  arc  found,  both  pairs  being  rather  difficult  to 
determine  as  to  their  surd  and  sonant  quality.  In  the  spirants  we  have  the 
palatal  c  like  English  sh,  and  the  surd  tc,  a  single  sound,  like  ch  as  in  English 
church,  with  the  corresponding  sonant  dj.  The  alveolars  are  5,  to,  and  dz, 
similar  to  the  English  sounds.  The  labial  dental  surd  /  occurs,  but  there  is  no 
corresponding  sonant.  All  of  the  surds  given  so  far  occur  also  followed  by  a 
catch  and  are  represented  in  such  cases  as  follows,  t£,  pK,  tc?,  se,  /8,  etc.  The 
nasal  n  occurs,  but  independent  m  is  wanting.  The  lateral  spirant  surd  sound 
made  by  pressing  the  tip  of  the  tongue  against  the  upper  alveolar  ridge  and 
forcing  the  breath  out  over  both  sides  of  the  tongue,  is  represented  by  I.  A 
common  /  like  that  in  English  is  also  found.  The  semivowels  are  h,  y,  w; 
and  the  bilabial  aspirate  of  the  last  hw,  also  occurs. 

The  vowels  are  a,  e,  i,  o,  u,  with  their  continental  values.  They  are  short 
when  not  marked ;  long  with  the  mark  over  them  as  d,  e,  J,  o,  u.  Other  long 
vowels  are  a  like  a  in  English  fall,  and  a  like  a  in  English  fan.  Besides  these 
there  is  an  obscure  vowel  represented  here  by  A  which  is  similar  to  u  in  English 
but.  Nasalized  vowels,  which  are  very  frequent,  are  written  on,  an,  dn,  etc. 
Breathed  vowels  are  a',  A' ,  etc.  The  diphthong ai  occurs  rarely.  Stress  and 
prolongation  are  indicated  by  !.  Accent  is  marked  by  '. 


18  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 


MATERIAL  CULTURE. 

AGRICULTURE. 

Although  the  Yuchi  of  today  are  cultivators  of  the  soil,  as  they  were  in 
former  times,  the  manner  and  method  of  agriculture  has  undergone  many 
radical  changes  since  the  first  contact  with  Europeans.  The  modification  of 
this  branch  of  their  culture  has  been  so  thorough  that  we  can  only  construct, 
from  survivals  and  tradition,  an  idea  of  its  former  state. 

The  villages  were  surrounded  by  fertile  spaces,  cleared  of  timber  and  other 
vegetation  by  burning  in  dry  springtime.  These  spaces  were  converted 
into  garden  patches  where  vegetables  were  sown  and  tended  as  they  grew  up, 
by  a  daily  but  irregularly-timed  cultivation. 

It  is  not  now  remembered  whether  particular  parts  of  the  arable  ground 
were  the  personal  property  of  the  individuals  or  clans.  Hawkins  states,  however, 
that  both  men  and  women  labored  together;  the  Yuchi  differing  in  this  respect 
from  the  Creeks.  The  old  people  and  children  found  daily  employment  in 
acting  as  guardians  over  the  growing  crops,  in  driving  away  crows,  blackbirds 
and  other  troublesome  creatures. 

In  general,  the  land  of  the  tribe  belonged  to  whosoever  occupied  or  util- 
ized it.  The  boundaries  of  fields,  plantations  and  real  estate  holdings,  where 
encroachment  was  likely  to  occur,  were  marked  by  upright  corner  stones  with 
distinguishing  signs  on  them  to  indicate  the  claim.  A  man  would  simply 
adopt  some  optional  design  or  figure  as  his  brand  and  make  this  his  property 
mark.  Trees  were  also  blazed  to  mark  off  property  limits.  In  blazing,  a  piece  of 
bark  about  as  large  as  the  hand  was  sliced  off  about  five  feet  from  the  ground, 
leaving  the  white  wood  exposed.  Sometimes  the  space  was  marked  with 
pigment.  The  above  devices  are  still  in  common  use  throughout  the  Creek 
Nation. 

The  most  important  native  vegetables  were  flint  corn,  tsofio',  beans,  tsodi' ', 
sweet  potatoes,  tosdn/,  melons,  tcan,  pumpkins  and  squashes.  These  are  believed 
to  have  been  given  the  Yuchi  by  the  supernatural  being,  Sun.  Tobacco,  i'tci, 
was  grown  by  each  family  near  the  house.  This  was  believed  to  have  originated 
from  drops  of  semen.  The  plant  was  named  by  a  boy,  in  mythical  times,  and 
distributed  among  the  people  for  their  use.  When  tobacco  was  smoked  sumach 
leaves  were  added  to  it.  Gourds  were  also  raised,  to  be  used  as  household 
receptacles. 

When  the  crops  of  corn  and  other  vegetables  were  taken  in  they  were  stored 
away  in  outhouses  and  cribs,  dadd,  raised  on  posts,  to  be  used  when  wanted. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YDCHI    INDIANS.  19 

Before  the  harvest  could  be  devoted  to  general  use,  however,  it  was  thought 
necessary  to  perform  certain  ceremonies  of  personal  purification  and  propi- 
tiation in  behalf  of  the  supernatural  beings  who  gave  the  crops  and  who 
brought  them  to  maturity.  Taking  into  account  the  number  and  importance 
of  such  rites  together  with  the  amount  of  daily  time  and  labor  that  was 
devoted  to  the  cultivation  of  the  crops,  we  are  led  into  the  general  classifica- 
tion of  the  Yuchi  as  an  agricultural  type  of  people. 

HUNTING. 

Hunting  was  pursued  by  the  men  either  singly  or  in  bands.  While  the 
attendance  upon  the  crops  kept  them  at  home  much  of  the  time,  there  were 
seasons  of  comparative  idleness  during  which  parties  set  off  on  the  hunt. 
The  flesh  of  nearly  all  the  mammals  and  birds  of  their  habitat  was  eaten 
by  the  Yuchi  with  the  exception  of  such  as  were  sacred  for  ceremonial  pur- 
poses or  were  protected  by  some  taboo.  The  chief  game  animals  hunted  by 
them  for  their  flesh  were  the  deer,  wtPyA*',  bison,  wedlngd,  bear,  sag2ef,  raccoon, 
djatyA™,  opossum,  wAtsagowA™ ',  rabbit,  cddjwane,  squirrel,  cayd;  while  those 
whose  skins  were  chiefly  sought  after  were  the  panther,  u'etc^A*',  wildcat,  pod', 
fox,  cadPane,  wolf,  dald,  otter,  culane,  beaver,  caganf,  and  skunk,  yussAn/.  The 
flesh  of  these  was  also  eaten  at  times.  Wild  turkeys,  wetc^d',  quail,  spdnsl', 
partridge,  ducks,  geese  and  other  birds  were  continually  hunted  for  food. 

The  game  animals  were  believed  to  be  very  cunning  and  wise  in  knowing 
how  to  avoid  being  captured.  So  in  order  to  blind  their  senses,  and  to  over- 
come their  guardian  spirits,  the  magic  power  of  certain  song  burdens  was  em- 
ployed by  hunters.  Shamans  held  these  formulas  in  their  possession  and 
could  be  induced  to  accompany  the  hunting  party  to  the  field  to  aid  in  the 
bewitching  of  the  quarry.  Shamans  might  also  teach  the  formula  to  some 
one  for  the  same  purpose,  upon  the  payment  of  some  price  or  upon  being 
promised  a  share  in  the  spoils. 

One  of  these  songs  used  for  charming  the  deer  is, 


ya     ha      gi      do      gi      do      da       ni  ho 


do        gi      do        gi      do*      da         ni  ho.  hai"  ya. 

(4*1*1.) 

*The  syllables  gi  do  are  sometimes  given  three  times,  sometimes  four,  with  no  seeming 
regularity. 


20  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

Not  only  had  the  hunter  himself  to  be  careful  to  keep  the  game  animals  and 
supernatural  protectors  well  disposed  toward  him  by  observing  all  the  taboos, 
but  those  connected  with  him  in  any  way  had  to  be  careful  too.  This  was 
particularly  true  in  regard  to  his  wife.  Her  main  care  was  to  remain  faithful  in 
her  husband's  absence,  no  matter  how  long  he  might  be  away.  Any  remiss- 
ness  on  her  part  would  cause  his  guiding  spirit  to  leave  him  and  then  his 
hunt  would  turn  out  unsuccessful. 

Besides  these  magic  aids  the  Yuchi  made  use  of  more  material  means  to 
bring  down  game.  The  bow  and  arrow  and  blowgun  were  the  chief  hunting 
implements,  while  a  kind  of  deer  call  was  carried  on  a  string  about  the 
neck  to  call  the  bucks  during  the  rutting  season  and  the  does  when  they 
were  rearing  their  fawns. 

The  bow,  cstade'  (Fig.  1),  is  a  single  almost  straight  stave  of  bois  d'arc 


Fig.  1.    Bow. 

(Toxylon  pomijerum)  or  Osage  Orange,  about  five  feet  in  length.  Sassafras 
and  hickory  bows  were  sometimes  made.  No  backing  of  sinew  is  known  to 
have  been  used.  The  stave  is  broadest  in  the  middle,  where  it  is  about 
one  and  one-half  inches  in  width,  tapering  to  one  inch  at  the  ends.  The  thick- 
ness of  the  stave  is  about  three-quarters  of  an  inch.  The  rich  dark  color  of  the 
wood  is  brought  out  by  greasing.  In  section  the  bow  is  almost  rectangular. 
The  ends  are  cut  out  into  little  knobs  of  several  shapes  (Fig.  2)  to  hold  the 


Fig.  2.     Bow  Notching. 

.string.  The  bow  string  is  made  of  deer  sinew,  yAnht',  or  strips  of  rawhide 
twisted  tightly.  Squirrel  skins  are  much  in  use  for  bow  strings.  The  skin  is 
cut  around  the  edge  spirally  toward  the  center,  thus  giving  a  single  long  strip. 
As  extra  strength  is  desired,  four  such  strips  are  twisted  together,  forming  quite 
a  thick  cord.  A  guard,  gonsajane,  of  leather  is  used  by  archers  to  protect  the 
wrist  from  the  bow  string  when  this  is  released.  The  guard  is  bound  on  by 
two  thongs  attached  to  holes  in  the  leather  (Fig.  3). 


F.   G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY    OP   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS. 


21 


Arrows,  la  cu',  for  hunting  are  made  of  the  straight  twigs  of  arrow-wood 
or  of  cane  stalks  of  the  proper  thickness  (Fig.  4).  In  the  former  case  it  was 
only  necessary  to  scrape  off  the  bark  and  season  the  twigs.  The  Yuchi  do 
not  seem  to  have  had  the  idea  of  the  fore-shaft.  The  point,  lacipd,  which 
was  formerly  of  stone  is  nowadays  made  of  iron  and  is  bound  by  means  of 
sinew  into  a  split  in  the  shaft  (Fig.  4).  The  arrows  are  feathered  prefer- 
ably with  hawk  feathers,  as  the  Indians  believe  the  hawk  to  be  swift  and  sure  in 


Fig.  3.     Wrist  Guard. 

its  flight.  Turkey  tail  feathers  are  much  used  also.  The  split  plumes, 
two  in  number,  are  bound  to  the  shaft  at  both  ends  with  sinew.  One 
side  of  the  feather  is  shaved  clean  of  ribs  up  to  within  an  inch  ofj  the 
outer  end.  The  lower  or  base  end  of  the  quill  is  then  lashed  on  [flat. 


Fig.  4.     Arrows. 

The  outer  end  is  turned  down  and  the  turned  down  length  is  lashed  on. 
In  this  way  an  ingenious  twist  is  given  to  the  feather,  which  causes  the  arrow 
to  revolve  in  its  flight,  acting  on  the  principle  of  the  rifled  bullet  (Fig.  4,  d). 
There  is  some  diversity  in  the  length  of  the  arrow  shaft  and  in  the  size  of 
the  arrow  head.  For  killing  large  game  and  in  warfare  the  shafts  used  are 
almost  three  feet  long  with  iron  triangular  arrow  heads.  But  in  hunting 


22  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

small  game  they  have  simple  round  sharpened  shafts  which  are  seasoned  in 
heat  to  make  them  stiff  (Fig.  4,  b).  The  arrows  used  for  shooting  fish  are 
somewhat  different  from  the  ones  described  above,  as  we  shall  see.  Blunt 
wooden-headed  arrows,  so  common  everywhere,  were  also  used  for  stunning 
small  animals  and  birds  (Fig.  4,  c). 

The  arrow  shaft  in  all  cases  is  cylindrical,  and  of  the  same  width  through- 
out. In  some  specimens,  however,  there  is  a  slight  widening  at  the  notch  to 
give  a  better  grip.  Several  instances  were  also  noticed  where  there  were  two 
notches  at  right  angles  to  each  other.  This  feature,  according  to  the  native 
idea,  makes  it  possible  for  the  shooter  to  send  his  arrow  so  that  the  iron 
point  is  either  vertical  or  horizontal.  In  the  former  case  the  point  passes 
more  readily  between  the  ribs  of  deer,  bison  and  other  animals,  while  in  the 
latter  case  it  is  designed  to  pass  between  the  ribs  of  man.  The  double  notch- 
ing also  facilitates  adjustment  in  rapid  shooting.  An  old  arrow,  one  that 
has  seen  use,  is  thought  to  shoot  better  and  to  be  more  effective  in  general 
than  a  new  one.  In  shooting  with  the  bow  it  is  held  nearly  vertically,  the 
release  to  the  string  being  given  by  the  index  finger,  between  the  third  joint  of 
which  and  the  thumb  the  butt  of  arrow  is  grasped.  The  release,  in  general 
terms,  comes  nearest  to  that  described  by  Mason  as  the  tertiary  release.1 

One  form  of  the  blowgun,  which  is  obsolete  now,  was,  according  to  mem- 
ory, made  of  a  cane  stalk  with  the  pith  removed.  It  was  between  five  and 
a  half  and  six  feet  long.  The  darts  were  made  of  hard  wood,  the  points  being 
charred  and  sharpened.  A  tuft  of  cotton  wrapped  about  the  end  of  the  dart 
like  a  wad  formed  the  piston.  This  was  almost  exclusively  used  for  bringing 
down  small  animals,  squirrels  and  birds. 

Another  part  of  the  former  hunter's  outfit  was,  frequently,  a  stuffed  deer 
head  which  he  put  over  his  shoulders  or  elevated  on  a  stick  in  front  of  him  when 
he  was  approaching  the  deer.  Thus  disguised  he  could  be  surer  of  getting  a 
favorable  shot.  The  formula  given  above  was  sung  at  intervals  during  this 
process  of  getting  nearer. 

Dogs,  tsene,  have  always  been  the  invariable  companions  of  the  hunters, 
whether  alone  or  in  bands,  their  principal  office  being  to  track  game  and  hold 
it  at  bay.  The  present  Indian  dogs  are  mongrels  showing  intermixture  with 
every  imaginable  strain,  but  the  wolfish  appearance  and  habits  of  many  of 
them  would  suggest  that  their  semi-domestic  ancestors  were  of  the  wolf  breed. 

Hunters  are  usually  proficient  in  calling  wild  turkeys  by  several  means. 
One  instrument  made  for  this  purpose  is  the  hollow  secondary  wing  bone  of  the 
turkey,  about  five  inches  in  length.  The  hunter  draws  in  his  breath  through 
this  tube,  making  a  noise  which  can  best  be  described  as  a  combination  of 

1  North  American  Bows,  Arrows  and  Quivers,  O.  T.  Mason,  Smithsonian  Reports 
(1893),  p.  636. 


F.    G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE    YUCHI    INDIANS.  23 

smacking,  squeaking  and  sucking.  By  skillfully  operating  the  calls  the  birds 
are  lured  within  range.  Sometimes  the  palm  of  the  hand  is  employed  in 
making  the  noise.  Another  device  is  to  grate  a  piece  of  stone  on  the  top  of  a 
nail  driven  fast  into  a  piece  of  wood.  The  rasping  sound  produced  in  this 
way  will  answer  quite  effectively  as  a  turkey  call  if  manipulated  with  skill. 

The  Yuchi  do  not  seem  to  have  used  the  deer  fence  so  common  in  many  parts 
of  America.  They  have  been  known,  however,  to  employ  a  method  of  driving 
game  from  its  shelter  to  places  where  hunters  were  stationed,  by  means  of  fire. 
Grassy  prairies  were  ignited  and  when  the  frightened  animals  fled  to  water  they 
were  secured  by  the  band  of  hunters  who  were  posted  there. 

The  deer  call,  w&yA.nkan6,  mentioned  before,  which  is  used  in  calling 
deer  within  range,  is  a  rather  complex  instrument 
and  probably  a  borrowed  one,  at  least  in  its  present 
form  (Fig.  5) .  A  hollow  horn  is  fitted  with  a  wooden 
mouthpiece  which  contains  a  small  brass  vibrating 
tongue.  When  blown  this  gives  a  rather  shrill 

but  weak  sound  which  can  be  modified   greatly  jpjg  5     Deer  Call 

by  blowing  softly  or  violently.     A  tremulous  tone 

like  the  cry  of  a  fawn  is  made  by  moving  the  palm  of  the  hand  over  the  open- 
ing of  the  horn.  Much  individual  skill  is  shown  by  the  hunters  in  using  this 
instrument. 

FISHING. 

Quite  naturally  fishing  plays  an  important  part  in  the  life  of  the  Yuchi 
who  have  almost  always  lived  near  streams  furnishing  fish  in  abundance. 
Catfish,  cu  dfd,  garfish,  pike,  cu  cpd,  bass,  cu  wadd,  and  many  other  kinds  are 
eagerly  sought  for  by  families  and  sometimes  by  whole  communities  at  a  tune, 
to  vary  their  diet.  We  find  widely  distributed  among  the  people  of  the 
Southeast  a  characteristic  method  of  getting  fish  by  utilizing  certain  vegetable 
poisons  which  are  thrown  into  the  water.  Among  the  Yuchi  the  practice  is  as 
follows.  During  the  months  of  July  and  August  many  families  gather  at  the 
banks  of  some  convenient  creek  for  the  purpose  of  securing  quantities  of  fish  and, 
to  a  certain  extent,  of  intermingling  socially  for  a  short  tune.  A  large  stock  of 
roots  of  devil's  shoestring  (Tephrosia  virginiand)  is  laid  up  and  tied  in  bundles 
beforehand.  The  event  usually  occurs  at  a  place  where  rifts  cause  shallow 
water  below  and  above  a  well-stocked  pool.  Stakes  are  driven  close  together 
at  the  rifts  to  act  as  barriers  to  the  passage  and  escape  of  the  fish.  Then  the 
bundles  of  roots  (Fig.  6)  are  thrown  in  and  the  people  enter  the  water  to  stir  it  up. 
This  has  the  effect  of  causing  the  fish,  when  the  poison  has  had  time  to  act, 
to  rise  to  the  surface,  bellies  up,  seemingly  dead.  They  are  then  gathered  by 
both  men  and  women  and  carried  away  in  baskets  to  be  dried  for  future  use,  or 
consumed  in  a  feast  which  ends  the  event.  The  catch  is  equally  divided  among 


24  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

those  present.  Upon  such  an  occasion,  as  soon  as  the  fish  appear  floating  on 
the  surface  of  the  water,  the  Indians  leap,  yell  and  set  to  dancing  in  exuber- 
ance. If  a  stranger  comes  along  at  such  a  time  he  is  taken  by  the  hand  and 
presented  with  the  choicest  fish. 

As  the  fish  are  taken  out  they  may  be  cleaned  and  salted  for  preservation,  or 
roasted  and  eaten  on  the  spot.  A  favorite  method  of  cleaning  fish  the  instant 
they  are  caught,  is  to  draw  out  the  intestines  with  a  hook  through  the  anus, 
without  cutting  the  fish  open.  A  cottonwood  stick  shaved  of  its  outer  bark  is 
then  inserted  in  the  fish  from  tail  to  head.  The  whole  is  thickly  covered  with 
mud  and  put  in  the  embers  of  a  fire.  When  the  mud  cracks  off  the  roast  is 
done  and  ready  to  eat.  The  cottonwood  stick  gives  a  much-liked  flavor  to  the 


In  the  way  of  a  comparison,  we  find  that  the  Creeks  use  pounded  buckeye 
or  horse  chestnuts  for  the  same  purpose.  Two  men  enter  the  water  and  strain 
the  buckeye  juice  through  bags.  The  Creeks  claim  that  the  devil's  shoestring 
poison  used  by  the  Yuchi  floats  on  the  water,  thus  passing  away  down  stream, 


while  the  buckeye  sinks  and  does  better  work.  It  is  probable,  however, 
that  neither  method  of  poisoning  the  streams  is  used  exclusively  by  these  tribes, 
but  that  the  people  of  certain  districts  favor  one  or  the  other  method,  accord- 
ing to  the  time  of  year  and  locality.  The  flesh  of  the  fish  killed  in  this  way  is 
perfectly  palatable. 

It  frequently  happens  that  the  poison  is  not  strong  enough  to  thoroughly 
stupefy  the  fish.  In  such  a  case  the  men  are  at  hand  with  bows  and  arrows, 
to  shoot  them  as  they  flounder  about  trying  to  escape  or  to  keep  near  the 
bottom  of  the  pool.  The  arrows  used  for  shooting  fish  are  different  from  those 
used  in  hunting.  They  are  generally  unfeathered  shafts  with  charred  points, 
but  the  better  ones  are  provided  with  points  like  cones  made  by  pounding  a 
piece  of  some  flat  metal  over  the  end  of  the  shaft  (Fig.  4,  a).  The  men  fre- 
quently go  to  the  larger  streams  where  the  poison  method  would  not  be  as 
effective,  and  shoot  fish  with  these  heavy  tipped  arrows  eithei  from  the  shores 
or  from  canoes.  Simple  harpoons  of  cane  whittled  to  a  sharp  point  are  used 
in  the  killing  of  larger  fish  which  swim  near  the  surface,  or  wooden  spears 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  25 

with  fire-hardened  points  are  thrown  at  them  when  found  lurking  near  th»- 
banks. 

Formerly  the  Yuchi  made  use  also  of  basket  fish  traps.  These  were  quite 
large,  being  ordinarily  about  three  feet  or  more  in  diameter  and  from  six  to 
ten  feet  in  length.  They  were  cylindrical  in  shape,  with  one  end  open  and  an 
indented  funnel-shaped  passageway  leading  to  the  interior.  The  warp  splints 
of  this  indenture  ended  in  sharp  points  left  free.  As  these  pointed  inward 
they  allowed  the  fish  to  pass  readily  in  entering,  but  offered  an  obstruction  to 
their  exit.  The  other  end  of  the  trap  was  closed  up,  but  the  covering  could 
be  removed  to  remove  the  contents.  Willow  sticks  composed  the  warp  stand- 
ards, while  the  wicker  filling  was  of  shaved  hickory  splints.  The  trap  wa* 
weighted  down  in  the  water  and  chunks  of  meat  were  put  in  it  for  bait. 

Gaff -hooks  for  fishing  do  not  seem  to  have  been  used,  according  to  the  older 
men,  until  they  obtained  pins  from  the  whites,  when  the  Yuchi  learned  how  to 
make  fish  hooks  of  them.  Prior  to  this,  nevertheless,  they  had  several  gorge- 
hook  devices  for  baiting  and  snagging  fish.  A  stick  with  pointed  reverse  barbs 
whittled  along  it  near  the  end  was  covered  with  some  white  meat  and  drawn, 
or  trolled,  rapidly  through  the  water  on  a  line.  When  a  fish  swallowed  the  bait 
the  angler  gave  the  line  a  tug  and  the  barbs  caught  the  fish  in  the  stomach. 
Another  method  was  to  tie  together  the  ends  of  a  springy,  sharp-pointed 
splinter  and  cover  the  whole  with  meat  for  bait.  When  this  gorge  device 
was  swallowed  the  binding  soon  disintegrated,  the  sharp  ends  being  released 
killed  the  fish  and  held  it  fast.  Lines  thus  baited  were  set  in  numbers  along 
the  banks  of  streams  and  visited  regularly  by  fishermen. 

POTTERY  AND  WORK  IN  CLAY. 

The  sedentary  life  of  the  Yuchi  has  given  ample  opportunity  for  the 
development  of  the  art  of  making  pottery.  The  coiled  process  is  in  vogue, 
but  it  may  be  remarked  that  the  modern  pots  of  these  Indians  are  of  a 
rather  crude  and  unfinished  form,  which  is  probably  traceable  to  deterioration 
in  later  years. 

The  process  of  manufacture  of  ordinary  pots  for  domestic  use  is  as  follows. 
A  fine  consistent  clay  is  selected  and  washed  in  a  flat  vessel  to  separate  all  grit 
and  stones  from  it.  Then  lumps  are  rolled  between  the  palms  and  elon- 
gated in  the  form  of  sticks.  A  flat  piece,  the  size  of  the  bottom  of  the  desired 
pot,  is  made  and  the  lengths  or  sticks  of  rolled  clay  are  coiled  around  on  this 
base  and  so  built  up  until  the  proper  height  and  form  is  obtained.  What- 
ever decorations  are  to  be  added  are  now  either  produced  by  incision  with 
a  sharp  stick  or  by  impression  with  a  stick  or  shell.  The  whole  surface  is 
afterwards  scraped  with  a  fresh- water  mussel  shell,  ctangane  (Fig.  7),  until  the 
outside  of  the  pot  is  smooth,  and  then,  with  the  back  of  the  shell,  the  scraped 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 


Fig.  7.     Shell  Scraper. 


surface  is  rubbed  to  varying  degrees  of  polish,  or  the  hand  may  be  used  to  give 
a  dull  lustre  to  the  surface.  The  surface  is  moistened  after  the  clay  is  dry 
and  then  rubbed  until  it  assumes  a  fairly  perma- 
nent polish.  The  pot  is  next  allowed  to  dry  for  a 
few  days  out  of  the  sunshine.  Then  it  is  baked  near 
a  fire.  When  several  pots  are  being  baked  they  are 
arranged  in  rows  at  a  little  distance  from  the  fire  on 
each  side  of  it  and  turned  at  intervals.  These  pots 
become  hard  and  brick-like  and  may  be  used  directly 
over  flames.  If  they  are  not  baked  they  are  used  as 
household  receptacles  or  dishes  and  not  put  near  fire.  This  industry  is  en- 
tirely in  the  hands  of  women. 

Pots,  s^a'cudidane,  'earthen  bowl,'  or  dldanr  (PI.  Ill),  which  are  made  in 
general  for  ordinary  domestic  use  are  of  several  different  shapes.     The  outlines 
shown  in  Fig.  8,  a,  b,  c,  d,  f  are  the  commonest.     The  low  flat  type,  a,  is 
ordinarily  used  for  food  dishes  or  recep- 
tacles for  boiled  beans  and  corn.     They     / \ 

are  usually  about  eight   inches  in  di-    f  \ 

ameter  and  three  in  height.  A  series  of 
conventional  straight  lines  running  ob- 
liquely is  often  incised  upon  these  ves- 
sels for  the  purpose  of  decoration,  but 
without  any  known  interpretation. 
Outline  b  shows  the  shape  of  a  class 
of  pots  used  for  boiling  vegetables. 
They  are  held  upright  by  means  of 
stones  placed  around  the  base.  Their 
size  is  variable,  ranging  from  those 
having  a  capacity  of  about  three  quarts 
to  those  holding  five  or  six  quarts.  A 
little  decoration,  in  the  way  of  shallow 
impressions  of  semicircles,  frequently 
appears  near  the  rim  of  these  boiling 
vessels  to  give,  it  is  said,  a  decorative 
effect.  The  type  represented  by  c  is  of 
an  unusually  rough  and  unfinished  ap- 
pearance and  is  said  to  be  used  to  mix 

flour  and  dough  in.  The  flat  bottomed  pot  d,  with  a  wide  opening  and  almost 
straight  sides,  is  the  regular  boiled  corn  soup  pot  which  is  made  in  different 
sizes  according  to  the  size  of  the  family;  they  hold  two  quarts  at  least,  and 
stand  about  the  house  or  camp  with  food  in  them  ready  to  be  eaten  cold  or 
warai  at  any  time.  The  two  latter  types  do  not  bear  on  them  any  attempt  at 


Outlines  of  Pots. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  27 

decoration  whatever.  Small  cup-like  vessels,  /,  not  more  than  three  or  four 
inches  bioad,  with  rounded  bottoms,  are  made  for  general  utility  in  holding 
seeds  and  other  objects.  This  is  said  to  be  the  kind  of  clay  vessel  put  in  the 
grave  with  the  body  at  burial. 

One  type  of  vessel,  however,  which  is  manufactured  particularly  for  cere- 
monial purposes  is  invariably  ornamented  on  a  specially  made  portion  about  the 
rim.  This  type  of  pot  (Fig.  8,  e,  Plate  III,  Fig.  9)  is  used  as  the  receptacle 
for  the  sacred  concoctions  at  the  annual  ceremonies,  the  crescent-shaped  im- 
pressions on  the  lip  being  said  to  represent  the  sun  and  moon,  the  former  of 
which  is  the  chief  figure  in  mythology  and  the  supernatural  object  of  worship 
in  the  tribal  ceremonies.  The  height  of  these  pots,  two  of  which  are  used 
during  the  ceremonial  events,  is  never  less  than  twelve  inches.  The  crescent- 
like  impressions  are  made  with  a  bent-up  twig  when  the  clay  is  soft  before 
being  burnt. 

The  little  platter  ydda  dam  (Fig.  8, g,  and  PI.  Ill,  Fig.  1),  which  is  about  three 
inches  in  diameter,  is  another  form  for  a  special  purpose.  It  is  made  for  the  use 


Fig.  9.      Outlines  of  Gourds. 

of  women  who  are  in  seclusion  away  from  the  main  dwelling  during  their  men- 
strual periods.  As  these  little  trays  are  only  used  to  carry  food  in  to  such 
women  they  are  left  unbaked.  When  their  function  has  been  performed 
they  are  destroyed  with  other  objects  which  have  come  into  contact  with 
women  in  this  state. 

'  It  is  noticeable  in  the  above  pottery  forms,  which  are  designed  solely  for 
domestic  use,  that  no  particular  decoration  is  given  them.  But  where  this  does 
occur  at  all  it  is  always  on  or  near  the  rim  and  never  on  the  body  of  the  vessel. 
Specimen  5,  PI.  Ill,  and  Fig.  8,  b,  have  a  curved  impression  surrounding  the  rim 
which  is  said  to  represent  the  moon.  The  series  of  oblique  scratches  on 
specimen  8,  PI.  Ill,  had  no  meaning  or  name  given  them. 

A  question  of  origin  naturally  arises  here,  in  relation  to  the  pottery  industry 
of  this  tribe,  which  seems  to  deserve  mention  at  least.     The  prominence  of  the 


28  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

gourd  shape,  or  that  of  the  pumpkin  or  squash,  may  have  had  some  influence 
upon  the  development  of  forms  in  Yuchi  pottery.  The  outline  figures  and  the 
general  appearance  of  pots  suggest  this  question.  The  Yuchi  themselves 
comment  on  the  similarity  between  the  shape  of  pots  and  pumpkins,  and  when 
asked  about  the  form  of.  this  or  that  pot,  the  answer  frequently  is  "It  is 
like  a  pumpkin  or  gourd."  The  figures  show  how  this  similarity  in  form 
appears  (Fig.  9).  The  similarity  is  further  carried  out  by  the  smoothness  of 
the  body  of  the  pots,  and  the  diminishing  diameter  near  the  top.  The 
drinking  gourds  found  in  use  today,  and  the  gourd  receptacles  used  about  the 
camps  in  the  same  way  as  pottery  receptacles  are  similar  to  these  in  shape.  The 
suspicion  of  this  relationship  between  pottery  forms  and  pumpkins  or  gourds 
was  aroused  by  the  replies  given  to  questions  which  were  asked  in  trying  to  find 
out  whether  the  pottery  shapes  symbolized  or  represented  anything  else.  For 
instance  the  bowls  of  wooden  spoons  are  supposed  to  represent  wolf  ears. 

It  may  be  said  of  the  modern  Yuchi  pottery  forms  that,  according  to  the 
description  given  by  Holmes1,  they  bear  more  resemblance  to  those  of  the 
prehistoric  Chesapeake-Potomac  group  in  their  prevalent  gourd-like  outline  and 
lack  of  ornamentation  on  the  body,  than  they  do  to  the  highly  ornamented 
and  complex  forms  of  the  Southern  Appalachian  group. 

PIPES.— A  large  number  of  tobacco  pipes  of  clay,  sacu'  yiicPe',  'earth  pipes' 
(Fig.  11),  were  formerly  made  and  used  by  the  Yuchi.  The  variety  in  form 
shown  by  these  pipes  indicates  that  at  an  earlier  time  work  in  clay  must 
have  been  a  rather  important  activity  with  them.  It  seems  that  pipe  making 
was,  and  is  yet  to  a  limited  extent,  practiced  by  the  men.  Clay  is  prepared 
in  the  manner  described  before  for  pots,  and  made 
into  lengths  about  an  inch  in  diameter.  With  a  knife, 
cylinders  of  various  lengths  are  cut  out  which  are  to 
be  bent  and  hollowed  into  desired  forms  for  the  pipes. 
This  shaping  is  done  with  the  knife,  the  sides  being 
shaved  down  round  or  square  and  the  angles  squared 
to  suit  the  artisan's  taste.  The  narrower  end  is 
twisted  at  right  angles  to  the  bowl  to  form  the  stem- 
holder.  The  knife  is  then  used  to  gouge  out  and 
hollow  the  bowl.  A  small  pointed  stick  (Fig.  10,  a) 

Fig.  10.    Pipe  Borer  (a)     JB  twisted  into  the  stem  end  to  make  a  hole  for  the 
stem,  and  when  it  has  nearly  reached  the  bowl  cavity 

a  small  sharp  twig  is  used  to  connect  the  two  openings.  After  the  exterior  has 
been  finished  off  with  the  knife  the  pipe  is  complete  except  for  a  cane  or 
hollow  twig  stem.  A  piece  of  flint  (Fig.  10,  6)  is  often  used  to  rub  the  pipe  with 
and  give  it  a  polish,  but  generally  none  is  thought  necessary.  The  making 


twentieth  Annual  Report,  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology. 


T.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE    YUCHi    INDIANS. 


Fig.  11.      Clay  Pipes. 


30  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OP   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

of  effigy  forms  in  pipes  is  mostly  done  by  pressing  and  shaping  with  the  fingers. 
The  pipes  are  seldom  baked,  as  this  is  gradually  effected  when  they  are  lighted 
and  put  into  use. 

There  seems  to  be  no  limit  to  the  forms  which  different  individuals 
give  to  the  pipes  they  make.  Personal  taste  appears  to  play  an  important  part, 
however,  within  certain  broad  but  traditional  limits.  The  pipe  forms 
observed  seem  to  fall  into  a  few  different  classes.  It  may  be  said  that  the  com- 
monest type  is  that  having  a  stem-base  at  right  angles  to  the  bowl  as  illustrated 
in  some  of  the  examples  shown  in  Fig.  11.  These  are  rather  small  pipes,  aver- 
aging a  little  over  an  inch  in  height.  The  bowls  are  squared,  rounded  or  formed 
into  hexagons.  Another  sort  is  barrel-shaped,  also  with  different  sectional 
forms  and  of  the  same  small  size  as  the  first.  These  lack  the  stem-base,  having 
the  reed  or  cane  stem  inserted  directly  into  the  bowl.  A  third  general  type 
has  a  much  larger  and  heavier  form  and  suggests  the  catlinite  calumet  forms 
met  with  among  the  Plains  Indians.  The  red  color  and  carefully  given 
polish  of  the  specimens  under  discussion  increase  the  apparent  similarity 
between  the  two. 

Effigy  pipes  (see  Fig.  11)  are  favorites  with  the  Yuchi  and  often  show 
considerable  skill  on  the  part  of  the  maker  in  imitating  living  forms.  It  is 
rather  curious  that  those  representing  the  human  face  never  have  eyes.  The 
rings  sometimes  seen  about  the  rim  represent  the  Sun,  who  is  the  tutelary 
deity  of  the  Yuchi.  The  frequent  occurrence  of  the  frog  form  in  pipes  is 
explained  by  the  desire  on  the  part  of  the  men  to  emulate  the  Wind,  a  super- 
natural being  who,  according  to  the  myth,  used  a  frog  for  his  pipe  and  a  snake 
for  the  pipe-stem  during  one  of  his  journeys. 

A  noticeable  similarity  in  form  appears  between  the  modern  pipes  of 
the  Yuchi  and  those  found  in  the  burial  mounds  of  the  Appalachian  region, 
described  by  Holmes.1 

The  collections  of  objects  from  the  mounds  of  Alabama,  Georgia  and 
Florida  made  by  Mr.  Clarence  B.  Moore2  also  contain  many  pipes  in  stone 
and  earthenware  which  resemble  the  forms  known  to  the  modern  Yuchi 
and  illustrated  in  Fig.  11. 

CLAY  FIGURES. — The  Yuchi  men  sometimes  mould  by  hand  pressure  small 
figures  of  animals  or  parts  of  animals  in  clay.  Just  what  part  these 
clay  figures  play  in  their  life  it  is  hard  to  say.  It  would  seem,  however,  that 
they  are  merely  the  product  of  an  idle  hour  or  are  based  on  some  esthetic 
motives.  Where  quite  a  little  work  is  being  done  in  clay  by  the  women  in 
making  pots  and  by  men  who  are  fashioning  smoking  pipes,  it  would  seem 
natural  that  some  would  idly  try  to  shape,  out  of  the  unused  material,  figures 

1  Twentieth  Report  Bureau  American  Ethnology,  Pis.  cxxiv,  cxxv,  cxxvi. 

2  Journal  of  the  Academy  of  Natural  Sciences  of  Philadelphia,  X,  XI,  XII,  etc. 


F.    G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  31 

of  objects  familiar  to  them  in  their  daily  environment.  The  figures  of  this  sort 
are  rather  clumsy  and  naturally  fragile  since  they  are  not  baked.  The  speci- 
mens on  which  this  description  is  based  are  a  crudely  made  lizard  about  eight 
inches  long,  several  life-size  frogs,  and  a  cow's  head  several  inches  in  height 
(Fig.  12).  Another  correspondence  between  the  modern  Yuchi  and  the  ancient 
inhabitants  of  the  Southeast  is  to  be  found  in  these  clay  figures.  Mr.  Moore  in 
his  archaeological  explorations  of  the  mounds  of  Volusia  Co.,  Florida,1  found 
numbers  of  rude  clay  figures  among  which  some  of  the  animal  forms  resemble 
the  ones  given  here  and  obtained  from  the  modern  Yuchi.  The  general  tech- 
nique in  both  modern  and  prehistoric  specimens  is  similar. 


Fig.  12.     Clay  Figures. 

Finally  it  must  be  noted,  in  regard  to  the  subject  of  pottery  and  work  in 
clay,  that  this  branch  of  native  handicraft  has  undergone  a  great  deterioration 
since  the  beginning  of  contact  between  the  Yuchi  and  Europeans,  and  that  the 
progress  of  decline  in  this,  as  in  other  arts,  has  been  much  more  rapid  in  the  last 
twenty-five  years.  Most  of  the  specimens  described  above  were  obtained  by 
request,  whereupon  some  were  brought  from  remote  districts  where  they  may 
have  been  in  actual  use  while  others  were  fac-similes  made  for  the  occasion 
by  reliable  persons. 

BASKET  MAKING. 

Another  handicraft  in  the  seemingly  well-rounded  industrial  life  of  the 
Yuchi  is  basket  making.  The  women  possess  the  knowledge  of  at  least  two 
processes  of  basket  weaving;  the  checker  work  and  the  twilled.  The  baskets 
in  general  are  of  two  sorts.  One  is  a  large  rough  kind  made  of  hickory  or  oak 
splints  not  unlike  the  ordinary  splint  baskets  made  by  the  Algonkian  tribes, 
with  handles  for  carrying.  The  other  kind,  in  the  manufacture  of  which 
cane  rinds  are  chiefly  employed,  is  distinctly  characteristic  of  the  Southeastern 
and  Gulf  area.  A  collection  of  Yuchi  baskets  resembles  those  of  the  Choctaw 
or  Chitimacha  in  general  appearance  and  technique,  although  the  Yuchi  forms 

1  Collection  of  the  Academy  of  Natural  Sciences  of  Philadelphia. 


33  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

obtainable  today  do  not  show  as  much  diversity  as  the  others.  In  their  present 
location,  unfortunately,  the  Yuchi  are  handicapped  by  the  lack  of  basket  stuffs, 
while  the  other  tribes  still  occupy  territory  where  cane  is  abundant.  This  may 
perhaps  be  the  reason  why  we  find  the  Yuchi  comparatively  deficient  in  variety 
of  basket  forms  and  weaves,  when  other  tribes  of  the  southern  or  Gulf  area,  as 
the  Chitimacha,  Attakapa  and  Choctaw,  are  considered.  The  regular  basket 
material  is  cane  (Arundinaria) .  For  baskets  of  the  common  household  stor- 
age type,  intended  as  well  for  general  domestic  utility,  the  cane  rind  is  the 
part  used,  as  the  outside  is  fine  and  smooth.  Splints  from  the  inner  portion 
of  the  cane  stalk  are  employed  in  the  construction  of  basket  sieves  and  other 
coarser  types.  The  forms  and  outlines  of  common  utility  baskets,  dast!', 
shown  in  PI.  IV,  Figs.  1,  2,  seem  to  resemble  the  common  pottery  forms  in 
having  the  opening  somewhat  narrower  than  the  bottom.  Another  type  of 
basket  (PI.  IV,  5,  7)  is  the  flat  one  used  in  the  preparation  of  corn  meal.  The 
largest  of  this  class  is  two  feet  in  breadth  with  walls  not  more  than  an  inch 
or  so  high.  This  tray  basket  is  used  with  another,  the  sieve  (PI.  IV,  6),  which 
is  also  rather  flat  but  not  so  much  so  as  the  former.  The  bottom  of  the  sieve 
basket  is  of  open  work.  Corn  meal  is  sifted  through  this  into  the  broad  tray. 
Some  idea  of  their  respective  proportions  is  given  in  PL  IV,  Figs.  5,  6.  The 
plan  of  the  bottom  of  all  of  the  basket  forms  described  is  rectangular  in  gen- 
eral, while  that  of  the  top  is  nearly  round;  at  any  rate,  without  angles.  The 
sides  of  the  typical  basket  invariably  slope  inward  with  a  rounding  outline. 
This  form,  as  can  be  readily  seen,  is  largely  determined  by  the  nature  of  the 
weave. 

Nearly  all  baskets  of  this  region,  with  little  exception,  are  manufactured 
by  the  twilled  process  of  weaving.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  bottom  is  cus- 
tomarily done  in  one  pattern  of  twill  and  the  sides  in  another  variety  of  the 
same.  For  example,  we  find  one  of  the  common  forms  like  a,  Fig.  13,  woven  at 
the  bottom  in  the  two  over  two  under  pattern,  but  when  the  turn  for  the  sides 
is  reached  the  vertical  strands  no  longer  run  in  twos  but  are  separated, 
each  simply  alternating  in  crossing  over  two  weft  strands;  the  weft  in  its 
turn  crossing  four  of  the  warp  strands.  This  mixture  of  technique  seems  to 
be  a  favorite  thing  with  the  Yuchi  weavers.  Such  purposeless  variations  in 
weave  may  be  attributable  to  the  rhythmic  play  motive  which  Dr.  Boas  has 
recently  shown1  to  be  prominent  in  the  technique. of  many  primitive  tribes. 
An  example  is  shown  in  PI.  IV,  2,  3,  where  a  matting  bottom  (Fig.  13,  a)  is 
turned  up  into  a  woven  side  b  with  an  over  four  under  four  weft.  The  rela- 
tionship between  ordinary  mats  and  baskets  consequently  appears  to  be  a  very 
close  one.  At  almost  any  stage  in  the  process  of  mat  weaving  it  appears 

1  Decorative  Designs  of  Alaskan  Needlecases,  Proceedings  of  United  States  National 
Museum,  Vol.  xxxiv,  p.  339-40. 


F.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS. 


33 


that  the  operator  can  turn  the  strands  up,  fill  in  with  a  weft,  and  change 
the  product  into  a  basket. 

Some  examples  of  the  varieties  of  twill  which  enter  into  the  construction  of 
mats  and  baskets  are  given  in  Fig.  13.  The  common  diaper  pattern  may  appear 
woven  with  double  strands  producing  the  variety  shown  in  a.  Baskets  with 


11 


JJ. 


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33 

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Fig.  13.     Basket  Weaves. 

this  weave  in  the  bottom  and  an  over  four  under  four  on  the  sides  are  most 
characteristic,  as  will  be  seen.  The  basket  sieves  outlined  before  are  woven 
in  open  mesh  on  the  bottom,  leaving  open  squares  about  one  third  of  an  inch 
square,  c.  Here  the  twill  is  the  same,  over  two  and  under  two  as  in  Fig.  13,  a, 


34  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

but  done  with  narrower  splints.  The  sides,  however,  of  the  basket  sieve 
are  filled  in  with  weft  strands  going  over  two  and  under  two,  thus  closing  up 
the  open  spaces,  as  shown  in  d.  The  other  cuts  show  some  different  varieties 
in  which  the  number  of  warps  crossed  by  the  weft  strands  vary.  Fig.  13,  b  is 
from  the  side  of  the  work  baskets  in  which  the  bottom  appears  as  shown  in  a. 
The  others,  e  and  /,  show  the  mat  twill,  the  style  that  is  oftenest  found  in  the 
basket  trays.  The  sides  of  the  tray  are  changed  to  an  over  four  under  four 
twill  as  in  b.  The  latter  are  held  in  the  lap  to  catch  the  sifted  corn  meal  that 
is  shaken  through  the  sieve.  The  use  of  the  basket  sieve,  however,  and  this 
tray  will  be  described  in  more  detail  later. 

The  basket  border  is  commonly  formed  of  a  few  warp  lengths  bent  down 
and  wrapped  by  a  runner  of  cane.  A  row  of  twined  weaving  underneath  this 
holds  in  place  the  warp  strands  that  have  to  be  cut  off.  The  figure1  illustrates 
this  border  finishing  very  well  (Fig.  14). 


Fig.  14.      Basket  Border  Finishing. 

Intentional  decorative  designs  seem  to  be  almost  entirely  lacking  in 
the  baskets  of  today,  and  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  or  not  they  ever 
developed  such  designs.  About  the  only  decorative  effect  attempted  seems 
to  be  the  employment  of  cane  splints  of  different  shades  of  red  and  yellow 
in  the  weaving.  Rather  pretty  diagonal  patterns  are  in  this  way  brought  out, 
but  they  seem  to  have  no  assigned  meaning  or  names.  These  patterns  are 
quite  evidently  accidental  in  many  instances,  for  the  mere  presence  of  one 
or  two  different  colored  splints  in  the  warp  and  woof  would  work  out  into 
some  geometrical  pattern  without  any  previous  knowledge  as  to  what  this 
would  be. 

OTHER  OCCUPATIONS. 

WOOD  WORKING. — The  Yuchi  men  spend  part  of  their  time,  when  not 
engaged  directly  in  procuring  food,  in  manufacturing  various  useful  articles 
out  of  wood.  One  form  of  knife,  yanllbof,  'knife  bent/  used  in  whittling  such 
objects,  consists  of  a  piece  of  iron  curved  at  one  end  and  sharpened  on  the  side 

1  Taken  from  Mason's  Aboriginal  American  Basketry  in  Report  of  U.  S.  National 
Museum,  1902. 


F.    G.    SPECK  -  ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE    YUCHI   INDIANS. 


35 


after  the  fashion  of  a  farrier's  knife  (Fig.  15).     The  handle  part  of  the  metal  is 

bound  around  with  cloth  or  skin  to  soften  it  for  the  grasp.    The  wood  worker 

draws  the  knife  towards  himself  in  carving.      Thus  are  made 

ladles,  spoons,  and  other  objects  that  come  in  handy  about  the 

house.      Larger  objects  of  wood  are  shaped  not  only  by  whit- 

tling with  knives,  but  by  burning.     For  instance  dug-out  canoes, 

tcu  si',  were  made  of  cypress  trunks  hollowed  out  in  the  center 

by  means  of  fire.     As  the  wood  became  charred  it  was  scraped 

away  so  that  the  fire  could  attack  a  fresh  surface,  and  so  on 

until  the  necessary  part  was  removed. 

It  sometimes  falls  to  the  lot  of  women  to  help  in  the  manu- 
facture of  certain  wooden  objects.  One  such  case  is  to  be  seen  in 
the  hollowing  out  of  the  cavity  of  the  corn  mortar.  After  the 
man  has  sectioned  a  hickory  log  of  the  proper  length  and  dia- 
meter, about  30  by  14  inches,  he  turns  the  matter  over  to  several 
women  of  his  household.  They  start  a  fire  on  top  of  the  log, 
which  is  stood  up  on  end.  The  fire  is  intended  to  burn  away  the 
heart  of  the  log,  so,  to  control  its  advance  and  to  keep  it  going, 
two  women  blow  upon  it  through  hollow  canes.  By  pouring 
water  on  the  edge  the  fire  is  kept  within  bounds  and  confined 
to  the  center.  As  the  wood  becomes  charred  it  is  scraped  away, 
as  usual,  with  the  shells  of  fresh  water  mussels. 

No  decorative  effects  are  produced  in  wood  carving  nor  is  it 
likely  that  any  particular  development  in  technique  was  reached 
by  the  carvers  in  former  times.  ^^  Knife' 

PREPARING  HIDES  AND  SEWING.  —  In  preparing  hides  and  skins  for  use  the 
brains  of  animals  are  employed  to  soften  and  preserve  them.  Hides  are 
placed  over  a  log,  one  end  of  which  is  held  between  the  knees  while  the  other 
rests  on  the  ground,  and  are  then  scraped  with  a  scraping  implement  to  remove 
the  hair.  The  scraper,  tssame/satan^,  for  this  purpose  is  a  round  piece  of  wood 
about  twelve  inches  long  with  a  piece  of  metal  set  in  edgewise  on  one  side,  leaving 
room  for  a  hand  grip  on  each  end  (Fig.  16).  This  implement  resembles  the 


Fig.  16.      Scraper. 

ordinary  spokeshave  more  than  anything  else.  A  sharp  edged  stone  is  said 
to  have  taken  the  place  of  the  iron  blade  in  early  times.  Hides  are  finally 
thoroughly  smoked  until  they  are  brown,  and  kneaded  to  make  them  soft  and 
durable. 


36  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

Sewing  is  done  by  piercing  holes  in  the  edges  to  be  joined  with  an  awl. 
Two  methods  of  stitching  are  known,  the  simple  running  stitch  and  the 
overhand.  The  latter,  on  account  of  its  strength,  is,  however,  more  com- 
monly used.  Sinew  and  deerskin  thongs  are  employed  for  thread. 

One  specimen  of  awl,  for  sewing  and  basket  making, 
consists  of  a  piece  of  deer  antler  about  six  inches  long  into 
which  a  sharp  pointed  piece  of  metal  is  firmly  inserted  (Fig. 
17).  Bone  is  supposed  to  have  been  used  for  the  point  part 
before  metal  was  obtainable.  Several  chevron-like  scratches 
on  the  handle  of  this  specimen  are  property  marks. 

A  few  knots  and  tying  devices  observed  in  use  and  on 
specimens,  are  given  in  Fig.  18.  Softened  deerskin  thongs 
were  employed  for  tying  and  binding  purposes. 

SHEET  METAL  WORK. — The  manufacture  of  German  silver 
ornaments,  such  as  finger  rings,  earrings,  bracelets,  arm  bands, 
breast  pendants,  head  bands  and  brooches,  seems  to  have 
been,  for  a  long  time,  one  of  the  handicrafts  practiced  by  the 
Yuchi  men.  This  art  has  now  almost  passed  away  among 
them  and  fallen  into  the  hands  of  their  Shawnee  neighbors. 
The  objects  mentioned  in  the  list  were  made  of  what  appears 
to  be  copper,  brass  and  zinc  alloy.  The  metal  was  obtained 
from  the  whites,  and  then  fashioned  into  desired  shapes  by 
Awl  cutting,  beating,  bending,  and  punching  in  the  cold  state. 
The  favorite  method  of  ornamentation  was  to  punch  stars, 
circles,  ovals,  curves,  scalloped  lines,  and  crescents  in  the  outer  surface  of  the 
object.  Sometimes  the  metal  was  punched  completely  through  to  produce 


Fig.  17. 


Fig.  18.      Tying  Devices. 

an  open-work  effect.  Several  pieces  of  metal  were  sometimes  fastened  together 
by  riveting.  Ornamental  effects  were  added  to  the  edges  of  objects  by  trim- 
ming and  scalloping.  It  is  also  common  to  see  fluting  near  the  borders  of  brace- 
lets and  pendants.  Judging  from  the  technique  in  modern  specimens,  metal 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  37 

workers  have  shown  considerable  skill  in  working  out  their  patterns.  It  is 
possible,  moreover,  that  this  art  was  practiced  in  pre-historic  times  with  sheet 
copper  for  working  material,  in  some  cases  possibly  sheet  gold,  and  that  some 
of  the  ornaments,  such  as  head  bands,  bracelets,  arm  bands  and  breast  orna- 
ments, were  of  native  origin.  Some  of  the  ornamental  metal  objects  will 
be  described  in  connection  with  clothing. 

BEAD  WORK. — Like  many  other  Indian  tribes  the  Yuchi  adopted  the  practice 
of  decorating  parts  of  their  clothing  with  glass  beads  which  they  obtained  from 
the  whites.  Beadwork,  however,  never  reached  the  development  with  them 
that  it  did  in  other  regions.  What  there  was  of  this  practice  was  entirely  in 
the  hands  of  the  women.  There  were  two  ways  of  using  the  beads  for  decora- 
tion. One  of  these  was  to  sew  them  onto  strips  of  cloth  or  leather,  making 
embroidered  designs  in  outline,  or  filling  in  the  space  enclosed  by  the  outline 
to  make  a  solidly  covered  surface.  The  other  way  was  to  string  the  beads  on 
the  warp  threads  while  weaving  a  fabric,  so  that  the  design  produced 
by  arranging  the  colors  would  appear  on  both  sides  of  the  woven  piece. 
For  the  warp  and  woof  horse  hair  came  to  be  much  in  use.  Objects  decorated 
in  the  first  fashion  were  moccasins,  legging  flaps,  breechcloth  ends,  garter 
bands,  belt  sashes  and  girdles,  tobacco  pouches  and  shoulder  straps.  The 
more  complex  woven  beadwork  was  used  chiefly  for  hair  ornaments  and  neck- 
bands. 

The  designs  which  appear  in  beadwork  upon  these  articles  of  clothing  are 
mostly  conventional  and  some  are  symbolical  with  various  traditional  interpre- 
tations. They  will  be  described  later.  It  should  be  observed  here,  however, 
that  there  is  some  reason  to  suspect  that  the  beadwork  of  this  tribe  has  been 
influenced  by  that  of  neighboring  groups  where  beadwork  is  a  matter  of  more 
prominence.  The  removal  of  the  Yuchi  and  other  southeastern  tribes  from 
their  old  homes  in  Georgia  and  Alabama  to  the  West  threw  them  into  the  range 
of  foreign  influence  which  must  have  modified  some  characteristics  of  their 
culture. 

STONE  WORK. — Lastly  we  know,  from  the  evidences  of  archeology,  that 
at  an  early  age  the  Yuchi,  like  the  other  Indians,  were  stone  workers.  All 
vestiges  of  this  age,  however,  have  passed  beyond  the  recollection  of  the 
natives,  so  that  nothing  can  be  said  first  hand  on  the  subject. 


HOUSES. 

As  the  native  methods  of  house  building  have  nearly  all  passed  out  of,  use 
some  time  ago,  we  have  to  depend  upon  descriptions  from  memory  supple- 
mented by  observations  made  in  the  ceremonial  camp  where  temporary  shelters 
are  made  which  preserve  old  methods  of  construction. 


38  ANTHKOPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

The  dwelling  house  of  the  present-day  Yuchi  is  like  that  of  the  ordinary 
white  settler:  a  structure  of  squared  or  round  notched  logs,  with  a  peak  roof 
of  home-made  shingles  and  a  door  on  one  side.  Windows  may  be  present  or 
not,  according  to  the  whim  of  the  owner.  The  same  is  true  of  the  fire- 
place, which  may  be  an  inside  open  grate  at  one  end  of  the  building,  or  a  hearth 
in  the  middle  of  the  room  with  smoke  hole  directly  above.  These  houses  show 
all  possible  grades  of  comfort  and  elaboration  in  their  construction.  Directly 
in  front  of  the  door  it  is  customary  to  have  a  shade  arbor  raised  where  cooking 
is  done.  Here  spare  time  is  spent  in  comfortably  lounging  about  while  light 
occupations  are  carried  on  by  various  members  of  the  family.  Such  a  house  is 
called  tsole* ,  and  may  be,  in  its  main  idea,  a  survival  of  one  form  of  original 
house.  Bartram  and  other  travelers  who  saw  the  southeastern  Indians  at 
an  early  date  describe  notched  log  houses  among  the  Cherokee,  so  there  is 
some  possibility  of  the  native  origin  of  the  simple  square  log  house  of  the 
modern  Yuchi  and  their  neighbors  the  Creeks.  Fortunately,  however,  we 
find  in  the  work  of  Bartram1  a  fairly  good,  though  short,  description  of  the 
houses  of  the  Yuchi  as  he  saw  them  in  the  village  on  Chattahoochee  river, 
Georgia,  in  1791. 

"The  Uche  town  is  situated  on  a  vast  plain,  on  the  gradual  ascent  as  we 
rise  from  a  narrow  strip  of  low  ground  immediately  bordering  on  the  river: 
it  is  the  largest,  most  compact  and  best  situated  Indian  town  I  ever  saw;  the 
habitations  are  large  and  neatly  built;  the  walls  of  the  houses  are  constructed 
of  a  wooden  frame,  then  lathed  and  plastered  inside  and  out  with  a  reddish 
well  tempered  clay  or  mortar,  which  gives  them  the  appearance  of  red  brick 
walls,  and  these  houses  are  neatly  covered  or  roofed  with  cypress  bark  or 
shingles  of  that  tree.  The  town  appeared  to  be  populous  and  thriving,  full 
of  youth  and  young  children.  .  .  ." 

At  certain  times  of  the  year  when  the  people  remove  from  these  perma- 
nent houses  and  assemble  at  some  convenient  place  for  hunting,  fishing  or 
social  intercourse  they  commonly  make  use  of  tents  with  an  open  struc- 
ture nearby  in  which  much  unoccupied  time  is  spent  during  both  night  and 
day.  With  some  families  this  open-sided  structure  is  merely  a  shade  arbor, 
and  no  care  seems  to  be  given  to  its  appearance.  But  with  others  it  serves  as 
the  dwelling  upon  occasions  and  is  fitted  out  and  furnished  with  some 
semblance  of  permanent  occupancy.  During  the  annual  tribal  ceremony  of 
the  corn  harvest,  when  the  assemblage  of  families  is  largest,  these  structures 
may  be  best  seen.  The  following  descriptions  of  these  temporary  dwellings, 
in  which  are  preserved  earlier  forms  of  architecture,  are  based  upon  observa- 
tions made  at  such  times. 


lOp.  cit.,p.  388. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS. 


39 


To  begin  with,  the  camp  shelters,  as  they  are  commonly  called,  are 
scattered  irregularly  about,  in  no  wise  forming  a  camp  circle  such  as  is  found 
on  the  Plains  or  a  camp  square  like  that  of  the  Chickasaw.1  They  are  left 
standing  after  they  have  served  once  and  are  reoccupied  by  the  owners  when 
they  return  to  the  place  where  the  ceremonial  gatherings  are  held. 


Fig.  19.     Roof  Support. 

The  ground  space  covered  by  a  lodge  of  this  sort  varies  somewhat,  but  may 
be  said  to  be  in  general  about  sixteen  feet  by  eighteen.  The  floor  is  simply  the 
earth.  Branches  of  oak  with  the  leaves  compose  the  roof  (Figs.  19,  20,  C). 
Eight  feet  above  the  ground  is  a  common  height  for  this  dense  screen  of  leaves. 
The  branches  themselves  are  supported  by  cross  poles  (B)  resting  on  stout 


Fig.  20.      Roof  Support, 

horizontal  end  pieces  or  beams.  In  the  support  of  these  beams,  lodge  builders 
employ  different  devices.  One  of  these,  and  perhaps  the  commonest,  is  the 
simple  forked  or  crotched  post  (Fig.  19,  A).  When  trees  happen  to  be  handy, 
however,  a  modification  has  been  observed  in  the  roof  support  which  shows  a 


1  Cf.  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  (1907),  p.  50-58. 


40 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 


rather  clever  adaptation  of  the  material  at  hand  to  suit  the  occasion.  In  such 
a  case  standing  trees  take  the  place  of  sunken  posts,  and  forked  posts  with  the 
beams  resting  in  the  crotch  are  leaned  against  them,  as  in  Fig.  20,  A. 

The  general  ground  plan  of  these  camp  shelters  is  square  (Fig.  21).  They 
usually  stand  east  of  the  entrance  to  the  tent  (D).  In  the  center  of  the  ground 
space  (A)  blankets,  skins  and  other  materials  to  make  comfort  are  strewn,  and 
here  the  people  eat,  lounge  and  sleep.  In  one  corner  is  a  square  storage  scaf- 
fold or  shelf  (B)  elevated  about  five  feet  above  the  ground.  This  is  floored 
with  straight  sticks  resting  upon  cross  pieces  which  in  turn  are  supported  by 
uprights  in  the  floor.  On  this  scaffold  is  a  heterogeneous  pile  of  household 
untensils  and  property.  Ball  sticks,  weapons,  baskets,  clothing,  harness, 
blankets  and  in  fact  nearly  everything  not  in  immediate  use  is  all  packed  away 
here  out  of  reach  of  dogs  and  children.  Out  from  under  the  roof  to  one  side 
is  the  fireplace  (C).  The  diagram  (Fig.  21)  gives  the  ground  plan  of  one  of 
these  lodges. 


DE 

E  O 

B 

A               : 

D 

PE 

EQ 

Fig.  21.     Plan  of  Yuchi  Dwelling. 


The  Yuchi  remember  still  another  type  of  family  dwelling  house  which 
seems  to  show  that  the  common  house  type  of  the  Algonkian  tribes  bor- 
dering the  Atlantic  coast  farther  north  was  known  to  the  Yuchi  as  well. 
We  are  informed  by  the  Yuchi  that  the  framework  of  this  type  of  house, 
yu,  consisted  of  poles  stuck  in  the  ground  in  parallel  rows  at  certain  distances 
apart.  These  were  bent  over  and  lashed  together  at  the  top,  forming  an 
arched  passage  underneath.  The  whole  top  and  the  sides  were  then  covered 
with  strips  of  bark  cut  entire  from  cypress  trees  and  attached  in  overlapping 
layers  to  the  cross  pieces  connecting  the  upright  poles.  Matting  is  also  said 
to  have  been  used  as  house  covering  material.  Such  structures  are  commonly 
remembered  to  have  been  about  ten  feet  high  and  about  sixteen  feet  square  on 
the  ground.  The  roof  slabs  were  weighted  down  with  halved  logs  secured  at 
the  ends  to  the  framework.  The  fireplace  was  in  the  center  of  the  floor 
space.  It  was  excavated  about  six  inches  below  the  surface  of  the  ground. 
A  hole  was  left  in  the  roof  directly  above  the  fireplace  for  the  smoke  to  escape. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  41 

In  the  way  of  household  furniture  the  Yuchi  remember  that  beds,  ten' fa, 
used  to  consist  of  a  framework  of  parallel  sticks,  supported  by  forked  uprights, 
upon  which  skins  were  piled.  These  bench-like  beds  were  ranged  about  the 
walls.  Mats  were  suspended  to  form  screens  when  desired. 

Children  were  stowed  away  in  hammock  cradles  when  they  were  too 
young  to  walk.  The  hammock  cradle  is  used  very  generally  nowadays.  It 
consists  of  a  blanket  stretched  between  two  ropes.  To  keep  the  sides  apart 
thwarts  with  notched  ends  are  at  the  foot  and  head.  The  hammock  is 
hung  up  out  of  doors  from  convenient  trees,  while  in  bad  weather  it  is  swung 
indoors  from  house  posts  or  beams. 

DOMESTIC  UTENSILS. 

In  the  preparation  of  food  several  kinds  of  wooden  utensils  are  employed. 
The  largest  and  perhaps  the  most  important  piece  of  household  furniture  of 
this  sort  was  the  mortar,  dlld,  and  pestle,  died  Id.  The  mortar  (PI.  Ill,  Fig. 
10,  a)  which  is  simply  a  log  several  feet  high  with  the  bark  removed  having  a 
cavity  about  eight  inches  deep,  seems,  moreover,  to  be  an  important  domes- 
tic fetish.  We  find  that  it  is  connected  in  some  way  with  the  growing  up 
and  the  future  prospects  of  the  children  of  the  family.  It  occupies  a 
permanent  position  in  the  door  yard,  or  the  space  in  front  of  the  house. 
Only  one  mortar  is  owned  by  the  family  and  there  is  a  strong  feeling,  even 
today,  against  moving  it  about  and  particularly  against  selling  it.  We 
shall  see  later  that  the  navel  string  of  a  female  child  is  laid  away  under- 
neath the  mortar  in  the  belief  that  the  presiding  spirit  will  guide  the 
growing  girl  in  the  path  of  domestic  efficiency. 

The  pestle  that  goes  with  this  utensil  is  also  of  wood  (PI.  Ill,  Fig.  10,  6) . 
Its  length  is  usually  about  six  feet.  The  lower  end  that  goes  into  the  cavity 


Fig.  22.     Pestle  Tops. 

of  the  mortar  and  does  the  crushing  is  rounded  off.  The  top  of  the  pestle  is 
left  broad,  to  act  as  a  weight  and  give  force  to  its  descent.  Several  forms 
of  carving  are  to  be  observed  in  these  clubbed  pestle  tops  which  are  pre- 
sumably ornamental,  as  shown  in  the  cuts  (Fig.  22). 


42  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OP   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

Spoons,  ydda  ctlne,  showing  some  variation  in  size  and  relative  proportions, 
are  found  commonly  in  domestic  service.  They  are  all  made  of  wood,  said  to 
be  maple.  The  size  of  these  varies  from  six  or  seven  to  fourteen  inches.  The 
bowl  is  usually  rather  deep  and  is  widest  and  deepest  near  the  handle.  The 
latter  is  squared  and  straight  with  a  crook  near  the  end  upon  which  an  owner- 
ship mark  consisting  of  a  few  scratches  or  incisions  is  frequently  seen.  PI.  VI, 
3  shows  common  spoons  used  in  eating  soup  or  boiled  vegetables.  This  type  is 
said  to  represent,  in  the  shape  of  the  bowl,  a  wolf's  ear  and  to  be  patterned 
after  it. 

Wooden  paddle-shaped  pot  stirrers,  cadi' ,  are  nearly  always  to  be  seen 
where  cooking  is  going  on.  They  vary  greatly  in  size  and  pattern.  Ordinarily 
the  top  is  simply  disk-shaped.  The  use  of  the  stirrer  comes  in  when  soup  and 
vegetables  are  being  boiled,  to  keep  the  mess  from  sticking  to  the  pot.  (See 
models  in  Fig.  36,  6.) 

Gourds,  ta'mbactti',  of  various  shapes  are  made  use  of  about  the  house 
in  many  different  ways.     They  are  easily  obtained  and  require  little  or  no 
labor  to  fit  them  for  use.     As  drinking  cups,  general  recep- 
tacles and  dippers  they  come  in  very  handy.     A  common 
drinking  ladle  is  shown  in  Figure  23.    Besides  these  utensils, 
of  course,  baskets,  mats,  and  pots,  which  have  been  dealt  witli 
already,  figure  prominently  in  the  household  economy.     Pots 
are  used  chiefly  as  cooking  vessels  and  receptacles  from  which 
prepared  food  is  eaten.     Baskets  are  commonly  used  for  stor- 
ing things  away,  for  carrying  purposes  and  for  the  keeping  of 
ornaments,  trinkets,  small  utensils  and  other  personal  effects. 
The  several  specialized  forms,  the  riddle,  or  basket  sieve,  and 
the  fan,  or  flat  basket  tray,  are,  as  has  been  mentioned,  used 
~Fig."~23.          directly  in  the  preparation  of  corn  for  food.     The  part  they 
Drinking  Gourd,  play  will  be  described  in  more  detail  in  another  place. 

FOOD  AND  ITS  PREPARATION. 

FIRE  MAKING. — In  the  preparation  of  most  vegetable  and  animal  products 
for  consumption  fire  is  an  indispensable  agent.  It  is  also  procured  for  ceremo- 
nial purposes.  To  obtain  it  the  Yuchi  claim  that  originally  two  pieces  of 
stone  were  struck  together,  either  two  pieces  of  flint  or  a  piece  of  flint  and  a 
piece  of  quartz  or  pyrites.  In  the  annual  tribal  ceremony  this  method  is 
preserved  yet.  Two  persons  are  ordinarily  required  in  producing  fire,  one 
to  do  the  striking,  the  other  to  hold  the  bed  of  fire  material  into  which  the 
spark  is  projected  when  obtained.  A  single  individual  might  succeed  very 
well,  but  two  together  obtain  fire  much  more  quickly.  Even  then  the 
operation  often  takes  fifteen  minutes  or  more.  It  is  likely,  however,  that 


P.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE    YUCHI    INDIANS.  -43 

the  manipulators  were  already  out  of  practice  when  the  method  passed  out  of 
common  use.  It  is  nowadays  admitted  that  the  town  chief  who  strikes  the 
spark  at  the  annual  ceremony  is  greatly  worried  at  this  time  over  the  ultimate 
result  of  his  efforts.  It  takes  him  about  twenty  minutes  to  secure  a  flame. 
The  method,  as  observed  on  several  ceremonial  occasions,  is  as  follows: 
the  flint,  yat*a  dawone,  is  held  between  the  thumb  and  forefinger  of  the  right 
hand  with  a  small  piece  of  punk  material,  tcing2of,  alongside  of  it.  This  punk 
appears  to  be  a  very  close-pored  fungus.  In  his  left  hand  he  holds  the 
striker.  The  helper  stands  by,  holding  a  curved  tray  of  hickory  bark 
heaped  up  with  decayed  wood,  sambi',  which  has  been  dried  and  reduced 
to  powder  (Fig.  24).  The  chief  operator  then  strikes  the  two  stones  together, 


Fig.  24.     Tinder  Tray. 

and  when  several  good  sparks  have  been  seen  to  fly,  a  moment  is  given  to 
watching  for  evidence  that  one  has  been  kept  alive  in  the  punk.  If  the 
spark  smoulders  in  this  it  is  gently  transferred  to  the  tinder  in  the  bark 
tray.  From  this  moment  the  responsibility  rests  with  the  helper.  He  begins 
to  sway  the  tinder  very  gradually  from  side  to  side  and  gauges  his  movements 
by  the  thin  wisp  of  smoke  that  arises  from  the  smouldering  bed.  After  a  few 
minutes,  if  things  go  well,  the  smoke  increases  and  the  helper  becomes  more 
energetic.  The  climax  is  reached  when  from  the  dried  wood  tinder-bed  a  little 
flame  springs  up.  Small  twigs  are  piled  on  and  then  larger  ones  until  the 
blazing  mass  can  be  safely  deposited  beneath  a  pile  of  firewood.  Nowadays 
at  any  rate,  the  fire-producing  materials,  flint  and  punk,  are  a  part  of  the 
town  chief's  sacred  paraphernalia  and  he  has  the  prerogative  of  manipulating 
them.  A  piece  of  steel  is  more  often  used  as  a  sparker  in  the  modern 
operation,  as  it  is  more  effective. 

The  most  convenient  fireplace  arrangement  is  to  have  a  large,  not  too 
dry  backlog  with  the  fire  maintained  along  one  side  according  to  the  number 
of  pots  to  be  heated.  When  the  backlog  burns  away  in  one  place  the  fire 
is  moved  to  another,  or  the  log  itself  is  pushed  along. 

As  to  the  origin  of  fire  we  find  here  the  common  American  explanation. 
It  is  believed  to  have  been  stolen,  by  the  mythical  trickster  Rabbit,  from  a 
people  across  the  waters  and  brought  by  him  to  the  Yuchi. 


44  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

FOODS. — Foodstuffs  in  which  corn  or  maize  is  the  principal  ingredient 
should  be  mentioned  first  in  this  connection.  In  its  various  forms  corn  has 
always  been  the  staple  article  of  diet  in  the  region  inhabited  by  these 
Indians,  while  at  certain  times  of  the  year  game,  fish  and  fruits  have  supple- 
mented the  daily  menu.  Pumpkins,  potatoes,  beans,  melons  and  squashes 
rank  next  in  the  list  of  cultivated  plant  foods.  The  variety  of  corn  best 
known  seems  to  have  been  what  is  commonly  called  flint  corn 

The  simplest  way  of  preparing  corn  for  use  is  to  boil  it  or  roast  it  in  the 
ear  and  eat  it  directly  from  the  cob.  There  is,  however,  only  a  certain  time 
of  the  year  in  which  this  can  be  done  and  that  is  when  the  crop  has  matured, 
after  the  supernatural  powers  had  been  propitiated  and  the  bodies  of  the 
people  purified  by  ceremonies  to  be  treated  later  under  the  subject  of  religion. 
One  of  the  chief  articles  of  diet  is  ts&ci,  a  kind  of  corn  soup.1  To  make 
this  the  grains  of  corn,  xvhen  dry,  are  removed  from  the  cob  and  pounded  in 
the  mortar  until  they  are  broken  up.  These  grits  and  the  corn  powder  are 
then  scooped  out  of  the  mortar  and  boiled  in  a  pot  with  water.  Wood  ashes 
from  the  fire  are  usually  added  to  it  to  give  a  peculiar  flavor  much  to  the 
native  taste.  Even  powdered  hickory  nuts,  or  marrow,  or  meat  may  be 
boiled  with  the  soup  to  vary  its  taste.  It  is  commonly  believed,  as  regards 
the  origin  of  this  favorite  dish,  that  a  woman  in  the  mythical  ages  cut  a 
rent  in  the  sky  through  which  a  peculiar  liquid  flowed  which  was  found  to 
be  good  to  eat.  The  Sun  then  explained  its  preparation  and  use,  from  which 
fact  it  was  called  tso'ci,  inferably  'sun  fluid.' 

A  kind  of  corn  flour,  tsukhd,  is  made  by  pounding  up  dried  corn  in  the 
mortar.  At  intervals  the  contents  of  the  mortar  are  scooped  up  and  emptied 
into  the  sieve  basket.  The  operator  holds  a  large  basket  tray  in  her  lap  and 
over  it  shakes  and  sifts  the  pounded  corn  until  all  the  grits  and  the  finer 
particles  have  fallen  through.  According  to  the  desired  fineness  or  coarse- 
ness of  the  flour  she  then  jounces  this  tray  until  she  has  the  meal  as  she 
wants  it,  all  the  chaff  having  blown  away.  The  meal,  being  then  ready  to  be 
mixed  into  dough,  is  stirred  up  with  water  in  one  of  the  pottery  vessels.  In 
the  meantime  a  large  clean  flat  stone  has  been  tilted  slantwise  before  the 
embers  of  a  fire.  When  the  dough  is  right  it  is  poured  out  onto  this  stone 
and  allowed  to  bake.  These  meal  cakes  constitute  the  native  bread,  kdnlo. 
Berries  are  thought  to  improve  the  flavor  and  are  often  mixed  in  with  the 
dough.  Besides  corn  the  Yuchi  preserve  the  knowledge  of  a  variety  of  foods 
some  of  which  are  still  commonly  used.  Hickory  nuts,  yAe,  were  commonly 
stored  away  for  use  in  the  following  manner.  They  were  pounded  and  then 


lfThe  common  name  for  this  corn  soup  is  sofki,  the  Creek  term,  which  has  come  now 
to  be  widely  used  for  the  dish  among  both  Indians  and  whites. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  45 

boiled  in  water  until  a  milk-like  fluid  was  obtained.  This  after  being 
strained  was  used  as  a  beverage  or  as  a  cooking  ingredient. 

Almost  any  bird,  animal  or  fish  that  was  large  enough  to  bother  with  was 
used  as  food.  The  names  and  varieties  of  such  have  been  already  given.  The 
flesh  of  game  mammals,  birds,  kandl',  and  fish,  cu,  was  roasted  or  broiled 
on  a  framework  of  green  sticks  resting  on  cross  pieces  which  were  supported 
on  forked  uprights  over  the  fire.  The  device  was  simply  a  stationary  broiling 
frame.  When  large  hauls  of  fish  were  made,  by  using  vegetable  poison  in 
streams  in  the  manner  described,  or  more  game  was  taken  than  was  needed 
for  immediate  use,  it  is  said  that  the  surplus  flesh  was  artificially  dried  over  a 
slow  smoky  fire  or  in  the  sun,  so  that  it  could  be  laid  away  against  the  future. 
Crawfish,  tcatsd,  were  very  much  liked  and  quantities  of  them  were  also 
treated  for  preservation  in  the  above  manner. 

Wild  fruits  and  nuts  in  their  proper  seasons  added  variety  to  the  compara- 
tively well  supplied  larder  of  the  natives.  Berries,  yabaf,  were  gathered  and 
dried  to  be  mixed  with  flour  or  eaten  alone.  Wild  grapes,  ca,  were  abundant. 
The  Indians  are  said  to  have  preserved  them  for  use  out  of  season  by  drying 
them  on  frames  over  a  bed  of  embers  until  they  were  like  raisins,  in  condition 
to  be  stored  away  in  baskets. 

Salt,  ddbi,  was  used  with  food  except  during  the  annual  tribal  ceremony 
and  for  a  short  time  before  it,  when  it  was  tabooed  in  the  same  sense  as  corn  or 
intercourse  with  women.  It  was  obtained  from  river  banks  in  certain  places, 
but,  on  the  whole,  was  rather  a  rare  article  with  the  Yuchi. 

Meals  were  seldom  eaten  at  regular  times.  Since  food  of  some  sort  was 
nearly  always  over  the  fire  or  ready  to  eat,  the  different  members  of  the  family, 
or  even  outsiders,  partook  of  what  they  wanted  whenever  they  felt  inclined. 
At  least  once  a  day,  however,  one  good  meal  would  usually  be  prepared 
for  all. 

The  food  supply  of  the  Indians  of  the  fertile  Southeast,  regulated  by  their 
forethought  in  preserving  gram  and  fltsh,  seems  to  have  been  on  the  whole, 
fairly  constant  and  abundant.  Accordingly  we  do  not  expect  to  find  them 
making  use  of  matter  that  is  not  acceptable  to  the  average  human  taste,  such, 
for  instance,  as  insects,  larvae,  and  small  reptiles.  They  did,  however,  and  do 
today,  find  the  raw  entrails  of  the  larger  mammals  and  their  contents  to  be 
much  to  their  liking,  esteeming  the  substance  a  delicacy. 

A  more  extensive  list  of  special  vegetable  foods  could  hardly  be  gotten 
from  the  Yuchi  today  as  they  are  out  of  their  original  habitat,  and  have 
discontinued  the  use  of  wild  plants  for  some  time. 

In  connection  with  animal  foods  it  should  be  remembered  that  there  were 
numerous  clans  having  particular  animals  for  their  totems,  and  that  there 
existed  for  each  clan  the  taboo  of  killing  or  eating  the  particular  animal 
which  bore  the  form  of  its  totem. 


46  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

DRESS  AND  ORNAMENT. 

For  a  people  living  in  quite  a  warm  climate  the  Yuchi,  as  far  back  as  they 
have  any  definite  knowledge,  seem  to  have  gone  about  rather  profusely  clothed, 
but  the  descriptions  -obtained  refer  only  to  a  time  when  the  white  traders' 
materials  had  replaced  almost  entirely  the  native  products. 

A  bright  colored  calico  shirt  was  worn  by  the  men  next  to  the  skin.  Over 
this  was  a  sleeved  jacket  reaching,  on  young  men,  a  little  below  the  waist,  on 
old  men  and  chiefs,  below  the  knees.  The  shirt  hung  free  before  and  behind, 
but  was  bound  around  the  waist  by  a  belt  or  woolen  sash.  The  older  men  who 
wore  the  long  coat-like  garment  had  another  sash  with  tassels  dangling  at  the 
sides  outside  of  this.  These  two  garments,  it  should  be  remembered,  were 
nearly  always  of  calico  or  cotton  goods,  while  it  sometimes  happened  that  the 
long  coat  was  of  deerskin.  Loin  coverings  were  of  two  kinds ;  either  a  simple 
apron  was  suspended  from  a  girdle  next  the  skin  before  and  behind,  or  a  long 
narrow  strip  of  stroud  passed  between  the  legs  and  was  tucked  underneath  the 
girdle  in  front  and  in  back,  where  the  ends  were  allowed  to  fall  as  flaps.  Leg- 
gings of  stroud  or  deerskin  reaching  from  ankle  to  hip  were  supported  by 
thongs  to  the  belt  and  bound  to  the  leg  by  tasselled  and  beaded  garter  bands 
below  the  knee.  Deerskin  moccasins  covered  the  feet.  Turbans  of  cloth, 
often  held  in  place  by  a  metal  head  band  in  which  feathers  were  set  for  orna- 
ment, covered  the  head.  The  man's  outfit  was  then  complete  when  he  had 
donned  his  bead-decorated  side  pouch,  in  which  he  kept  pipe,  tobacco  and 
other  personal  necessities,  with  its  broad  highly  embroidered  bandolier.  The 
other  ornaments  were  metal  breast  pendants,  earrings,  finger  rings,  bracelets 
and  armlets,  beadwork  neckbands  and  beadwork  strips  which  were  fastened 
in  the  hair.  The  women  wore  calico  dresses  often  ornamented  on  the  breast, 
shoulders,  and  about  the  lower  part  of  the  skirt  with  metal  brooches.  Neck- 
laces of  large  round  beads,  metal  earrings  and  bracelets  were  added  for  orna- 
ment, and  upon  festive  or  ceremonial  occasions  a  large,  curved,  highly  ornate 
metal  comb  surmounted  the  crown  of  the  head.  From  this  varicolored  rib- 
bons dangled  to  the  ground,  trailing  out  horizontally  as  the  wearer  moved 
about.  The  woman's  wardrobe  also  included  an  outside  belt,  decorated  with 
bead  embroidery,  short  leggings,  and  moccasins  at  times. 

The  above  articles  of  clothing,  as  can  quite  readily  be  seen,  are  largely  of 
modern  form  if  not  of  comparatively  modern  origin.  However,  owing  to  the 
fact  that  no  period  is  remembered  by  the  Yuchi  going  back  of  the  time  when 
these  things  were  in  use,  we  are  left  to  our  own  resources  in  trying  to  determine 
which  of  them  were  native  and  which  of  them  were  borrowed  from  outsiders. 

If  we  are  warranted  in  judging  by  the  material  used  and  by  the  form  of 
decoration  which  is  given  them,  it  would  seem  that  among  the  garments  de- 
scribed, leggings,  breechcloths,  moccasins  and  perhaps  shirts  and  turbans  at 


P.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  47 

least  were  of  native  type.  The  same,  furthermore,  might  be  said  of  some 
forms  of  the  metal  ornaments,  ornamented  necklaces,  hair  ornaments,  sashes 
and  knee  bands.  So  far  as  is  now  known,  the  decorative  art  of  the  Yuchi 
is  almost  exclusively  confined  to  the  latter  articles,  and  it  may  be  that  the 
antiquity  of  the  decorative  designs  is  paralleled  by  that  of  the  objects  which 
carry  them.  Reference  is  made  in  myths  to  the  turban,  woman's  skirt,  man's 
sash  and  carrying  pouch  with  its  broad  bandolier  in  connection  with  one  of 
the  supernatural  beings,  Wind.  The  peculiar  form  of  these  articles  as  worn 
by  him  then  gave  the  motive  for  the  conventional  decorations  which  are 
still  put  on  such  articles  by  the  Yuchi.  This,  however,  is  to  be  dealt  with 
more  fully  under  the  next  heading. 

The  bright  colored  calico  shirt  worn  next  to  the  skin  was  called  god  bilane, 
'what  goes  around  the  back;'  and  was  provided  with  buttons  and  often  a  frill 
around  the  collar  and  at  the  wrists.  The  outer  garment,  god  stal£,  'over  the 
back,'  of  calico  also,  was  more  characteristic.  This  had  short  sleeves  with 
frilled  cuff  bands  which  came  just  above  the  frills  of  the  under  shirt,  thereby 
adding  to  the  frilled  effect.  A  large  turn-down  collar  bordered  with  a  frill 
which  ran  all  around  the  lapels  down  the  front  and  about  the  hem,  added 
further  to  this  picturesque  effect,  and  a  great  variety  of  coloring  is  exhibited 
in  the  specimens  which  I  have  seen.  The  long  skirted  coat,  god  staked/,  worn 
by  the  old  men,  chiefs  and  town  officials,  was  usually  white  with,  however,  just 
as  many  frills.  An  old  specimen  of  Cherokee  coat  is  shown  in  PI.  V,  1,  which 
shows  very  well  the  sort  of  coat  commonly  worn  by  the  men  of  other  south- 
eastern tribes  as  well  as  the  Yuchi.  The  material  used  is  tanned  buckskin 
with  sewed-on  fringe  corresponding  to  the  calico  frills  in  more  modern 
specimens.  It  is  said  that  as  the  men  became  older  and  more  venerable, 
they  lengthened  the  skirts  of  their  coats.  A  sash  commonly  held  these  coats 
in  at  the  waist. 

The  breechcloth,  gontsone"  (PI.  V,  Fig.  2),  was  a  piece  of  stroud  with 
decorated  border,  which  was  drawn  between  the  legs  and  under  the  girdle 
before  and  behind.  The  flaps,  long  or  short  as  they  might  be,  are  said  to 
have  been  decorated  with  bead  embroidery,  but  none  of  the  specimens 
preserved  show  it. 

Leggings,  toso',  were  originally  of  deerskin  with  the  seam  down  the  outside 
of  the  leg  arranged  so  as  to  leave  a  flap  three  or  four  inches  wide  along  the  entire 
length.  The  stuff  was  usually  stained  in  some  uniform  color.  In  the  latter 
days,  however,  strouding,  or  some  other  heavy  substance  such  as  broadcloth, 
took  the  place  of  deerskin,  and  the  favorite  colors  for  this  were  black,  red  and 
blue.  The  outside  edge  of  the  broad  flap  invariably  bore  some  decoration, 
in  following  out  which  we  find  quite  uniformly  one  main  idea.  By  means  of 
ribbons  of  several  colors  sewed  on  the  flap  a  series  of  long  parallel  lines  in  red, 
yellow,  blue  and  green  are  brought  out.  The  theme  is  said  to  represent  sun- 


48 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 


rise  or  sunset  and  is  one  of  the  traditional  decorations  for  legging  flaps.  A 
typical  specimen  is  shown  in  Plate  V,  3.  The  legging  itself  reaches  from  the 
instep  to  the  hip  on  the  outer  side  where  a  string  or  thong  is  attached  with 
which  to  fasten  it  to  the  belt  for  support. 

The  moccasin,  defia',  still  in  use  (P1.V,4,  and  Fig.  25),  is  made  of  soft  smoked 
deerskin.  It  is  constructed  of  one  piece  of  skin.  One  seam  runs  straight  up 
the  heel.  The  front  seam  begins  where  the  toes  touch  the  ground  and  runs 
along  the  instep.  At  the  ankle  this  seam  ends,  the  uppers  hanging  loose. 
The  instep  seam  is  sometimes  covered  with  some  fancy  cloth.  Deerskin  thongs 
are  fastened  at  the  instep  near  the  bend  of  the  ankle  with  which  to  bind  the 
moccasin  fast.  The  thongs  are  wound  just  above  the  ankle  and  tied  in  front. 
Sometimes  a  length  of  thong  is  passed 
once  around  the  middle  of  the  foot, 
crossing  the  sole  underneath,  then 
wound  once  around  the  ankle  and 
tied  in  front.  This  extra  binding 
going  beneath  the  sole  is  employed 
generally  by  those  whose  feet  are 
large,  otherwise  the  shoe  hangs  too 
loose.  The  Osages,  now  just  north 
of  the  Yuchi,  employ  this  method  of 
binding  the  moccasins  quite  gen- 
erally, but  the  moccasin  pattern  is 
quite  different.  The  idea,  however, 
may  be  a  borrowed  one.  Yuchi 
moccasins  have  no  trailers  or  instep 

flaps  or  lapels,  the  whole  article  being  extremely  plain.  It  seems  that  decora- 
tion other  than  the  applications  of  red  paint  is  quite  generally  lacking. 

The  turban,  to  cine,  seems  to  have  been  a  characteristic  piece  of  head  gear 
in  the  Southeast.  The  historic  turban  of  the  Yuchi  was  a  long  strip  of  calico 
or  even  heavier  goods  which  was  simply  wound  round  and  round  the  head  and 
had  the  end  tucked  in  under  one  of  the  folds  to  hold  it.  The  turban  cloth  was 
of  one  color,  or  it  could  have  some  pattern  according  to  personal  fancy.  Plumes 
or  feathers  were  in  the  same  way  stuck  in  its  folds  for  the  artistic  effect.  That 
some  head  covering  similar  to  the  turban  was  known  in  Precolumbian  times 
seems  probable  inasmuch  as  a  myth  mentions  that  Rabbit,  when  he  stole  the 
ember  of  fire  from  its  keepers,  hid  it  in  the  folds  of  his  head  dress. 

The  sashes,  gdgddl  kwent,  'the  two  suspended  from  the  body'  (PI.  V, 
5, 6,  PI.  VI,  7, 8),  worn  by  men,  are  made  of  woolen  yarn.  The  simplest  of  these 
consists  merely  of  a  bunch  of  strands  twisted  together  and  wrapped  at  the 
ends.  A  loose  knot  holds  the  sash  about  the  waist.  But  the  characteristic 
sash  of  the  southeastern  tribes,  and  one  much  in  favor  with  the  Yuchi,  is 


Fig.  25.     Man's  Moccasin. 


F.   G.   SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF  THE  YUCHI  INDIANS.  49 

more  complex  in  its  makeup,  and  quite  attractive  in  effect,  the  specimens 
I  have  seen  being  for  the  most  part  knitted.  The  sashes  of  the  Yuchi  seem 
to  be  uniformly  woven  with  yarn  of  a  dark  red  color.  Some  specimens, 
howevec,  show  an  intermixture  of  blue  or  yellow,  or  both.  The  main  feature 
is  a  dark  red  ground  for  the  white  beads  which  are  strung  on  the  weft. 
Figures  of  triangles  and  lozenges  or  zigzags  are  attractively  produced 
by  the  white  beaded  outlines  and  the  conventional  design  produced  is 
called  'bull  snake.'  The  sash  is  tied  about  the  waist  so  that  the  fixed 
tassels  fall  from  one  hip  and  the  tassels  at  the  knotted  end  depend  from 
the  other.  Customarily  the  tassels  reach  to  the  knee.  The  sash  is  a 
mark  of  distinction,  to  a  certain  extent,  as  it  was  only  worn  in  former  times 
by  full-grown  men.  Nowadays,  however,  it  is  worn  in  ball  games  and  upon 
ceremonial  occasions  by  the  participants  in  general,  though  only  as  regalia. 

The  woven  garters,  tse  tsxnr  (PI.  VI,  3),  or  gode'  kwene,  'leg  suspender,' 
should  be  described  with  the  sash,  as  their  manner  of  construction  and  their 
conventional  decoration  is  the  same.  The  garters  or  knee  bands  are  several 
inches  in  width.  They  are  commonly  knitted,  while  the  tassels  are  of  plaited 
or  corded  lengths  of  yarn  with  tufts  at  the  ends.  Here  the  general  form  and 
colors  of  the  decorative  scheme  are  the  same  as  those  of  the  sash.  The  func- 
tion of  the  knee  band  seems  to  be,  if  anything,  to  gather  up  and  hold  the  slack 
of  the  legging  so  as  to  relieve  some  of  the  weight  on  the  thong  that  fastens  it 
to  the  belt.  The  tasseled  ends  fall  half  way  down  the  lower  leg. 

Rather  large  pouches,  latl',  two  of  which  are  ordinarily  owned  by  each 
man  as  side  receptacles,  are  made  of  leather,  or  goods  obtained  from  the  whites, 
and  slung  over  the  shoulder  on  a  broad  strap  of  the  same  material.  It  has 
already  been  said  that  various  articles  were  thus  carried  about  on  the  person : 
tobacco  and  pipe,  tinder  and  flint,  medicinal  roots,  fetishes  and  undoubtedly 
a  miscellaneous  lot  of  other  things.  The  shoulder  strap  is  customarily 
decorated  with  the  bull  snake  design  by  attaching  beads,  or  if  the  strap  be 
woven,  by  weaving  them  in.  There  seems  to  be  a  variety  in  the  bead  decora- 
tions on  the  body  of  the  pouch.  Realistic  portrayals  of  animals,  stars, 
crescents  and  other  objects  have  been  observed,  but  the  realistic  figure  of 
the  turtle  is  nearly  always  present  either  alone  or  with  the  others.  The 
turtle  here  is  used  conventionally  in  the  same  way  that  the  bull  snake  is 
used  as  the  decorative  theme  on  sashes  and  shoulder  strap,  that  is,  in 
imitation  of  the  mythical  being  Wind  who  went  forth  with  a  turtle  for 
his  side  pouch.  In  PI.  IX.  Fig.  5,  one  of  the  chief  ornamental  designs  is 
reproduced. 

The  next  ornamental  pieces  to  be  described  are  the  neckbands,  tsutson  la', 
'bead  band'  (PI.  VI,  5,  6),  worn  by  men.  These  are  usually  an  inch  in  width 
and  consist  of  beads  strung  on  woof  of  horse  hair;  each  bead  being  placed 
between  two  of  the  warps.  Beadwork  of  this  sort  is  widely  used  by  the 


50  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    1. 

neighboring  Sauk  and  Fox  and  Osage  and  it  may  be  that  we  are  dealing 
here  with  a  borrowed  idea.  Not  only  the  idea  of  the  neckband,  but 
also  many  of  the  decorative  motives  brought  out  on  it,  may  possibly  be 
traceable  to  Sauk  and  Fox  or  other  foreign  sources.  The  religious  interests 
of  the  Yuchi  are  largely  concerned  with  supernatural  beings  residing  in  the 
sky  and  clouds,  so  we  find  many  of  the  conventional  designs  on  these  neck- 
bands interpreted  as  clouds,  sun,  sunrise  and  sunset  effects,  and  so  on.  Animal 
representations,  however,  are  sparingly  found,  while  on  the  other  hand 
representations  of  rivers,  mountains,  land,  and  earth,  are  quite  frequent.  On 
the  whole  it  seems  that  most  of  the  expression  of  the  art  of  these  Indians  is 
to  be  found  on  their  neckbands  and  the  hair  ornaments.  In  thus  bearing 
the  burden  of  conventional  artistic  expression  in  a  tribe,  the  neckband 
of  the  Yuchi  is  something  like  the  moccasin  of  the  Plains,  the  pottery  of  the 
Southwest  and  the  basketry  of  California. 

Fastened  in  the  hair  near  the  crown  and  falling  toward  the  back,  the  men 
used  to  wear  small  strips  of  beadwork,  tsu'tsetsl',  'little  bead'  (PL  VI,  4), 
avowedly  for  ornament.  They  were  woven  like  the  neckband  on  horse  hair 
or  sinew  with  different  colored  beads.  One  which  I  collected  is  about  eight 
inches  long  and  one  half  an  inch  wide,  having  three-fold  dangling  ends  orna- 
mented with  yarn.  The  designs  on  these  ornaments  are  representative  of 
topographical  and  celestial  features. 

A  woman's  belt,  wante  gaho'nde  kwene,  'goes  around  woman's  waist',  is 
shown  (PI.  VI,  1).  The  belts  were  of  leather  or  trade  cloth  and  had  bead 
embroidery  decorations  representing  in  general  the  same  range  of  objects  as 
the  neckbands  and  hair  ornaments.  Such  belts  were  usually  about  two 


Fig.  26.      Women's  Necklaces. 

inches  wide.  Women's  dresses,  nongsa',  will  not  be  described,  as  they 
present  nothing  characteristic  or  original.  Most  women  are  found  with 
strings  of  large  round  blue  beads  about  their  necks  (Fig.  26).  It  is  stated 
that  necklaces  of  this  sort  have  something  to  do  with  the  fertility  of  women. 


F.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE   YUCHI    INDIANS. 


51 


The  ornaments  which  were  made  of  silver  alloy  beaten  and  punched  in  the 
cold  state  are  exceedingly  numerous  and  varied.  The  use  of  such  objects 
has  been  very  general  among  the  Indians  and  a  general  borrowing  and  inter- 
changing of  pattern  and  shape  seems  to  have  gone  on  for  some  time  during 
the  historic  period.  No  particularly  characteristic  forms  are  found  among  the 
Yuchi  except  perhaps  in  the  breast  pendants,  which  are  generally  crescent 
shaped,  and  the  men's  head  bands  and  the  women's  ornamental  combs.  Some 
of  these  objects  deserve  description. 


Ornamental  Comb. 


Fig.  27  shows  one  of  the  combs.  The  narrow  band  of  metal  is  decorated 
with  punched-in  circles,  ovals  and  toothed  curves.  The  teeth  are  cut  out  of 
another  strip  of  metal  which  is  riveted  on.  The  upper  edge  of  the  comb  is 
scalloped.  Women's  bracelets  are  shown  in  Fig.  28,  with  similar  ornamentation 


Fig.  28.     Bracelets. 

on  the  body,  and  grooves  near  the  edges  to  render  its  shape  firm.  The  rings, 
gompadi'ne,  and  earrings  (Fig.  29)  need  no  description.  Hardly  any  two  are 
alike. 

We  have  evidence  in  the  myths  that  robes,  Antcwd,  or  hides  of  animals, 


P'ig.  29.      Finger  Rings. 


as  the  name  implies,  were  worn  by  the  men  over  their  shoulders.  The  case 
referred  to  mentions  bear  and  wildcat  skins  used  in  this  manner  and  it  is 
also  to  be  inferred  that  two  different  branches  of  the  tribe  were  charac- 
terized by  the  wearing  of  bear  and  wildcat  skins  robes. 


52  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

The  men  furthermore  affect  the  fan,  wetcd,  'turkey'  (PI.  VII,  9),  of  xvild 
turkey  tail  feathers.  The  proper  possession  of  this,  however,  is  with  the  older 
men  and  chiefs  who  spend  much  of  their  time  in  leisure.  They  handle  the 
fan  very  gracefully  in  emphasizing  their  gestures  and  in  keeping  insects  away. 
During  ceremonies  to  carry  the  fan  is  a  sign  of  leadership.  It  is  passed  to  a 
dancer  as  an  invitation  to  lead  the  next  dance.  He,  when  he  has  completed 
his  duty,  returns  it  to  the  master  of  ceremonies  who  then  bestows  it  upon 
someone  else.  The  construction  of  the  fan  is  very  simple,  the  quills  being 
merely  strung  together  upon  a  string  in  several  places  near  the  base  (Fig.  30) . 

The  Yuchi  men  as  a  rule  allow  the  hair  to  grow  long  all  over  the  head 
until  it  reaches  the  neck.  It  is  then  cropped  off  even  all  around  and  worn 
parted  in  the  middle.  The  portrait  of  the  old  man  (PI.  I)  shows  this  fairly 
well.  Something  is  usually  bound  about  the  forehead  to  keep  the  hair  back 
from  the  face;  either  a  turban,  silver  head  band  or  strip  of  some  kind.  The 
beadwork  hair  ornaments  used  to  be  tied  to  a  few  locks  back  of  the  crown. 
Some  of  the  older  men  state  that  a  long  time  ago  the  men  wore  scalp  locks  and 


Fig.  30.      Feather  Attachment  of  Fail. 

roached  their  hair,  removing  all  but  the  comb  of  hair  along  the  top  of  the 
crown,  in  the  manner  still  practiced  by  the  Osage.  Men  of  taste  invariably 
keep  the  mustache,  beard  and  sometimes  the  eyebrows  from  growing  by  pulling 
them  out  with  their  finger  nails.  The  hair  was  formerly  trimmed  by  means 
of  two  stones.  The  tresses  to  be  cut  were  laid  across  a  flat  stone  and 
were  then  sawed  off,  by  means  of  a  sharp-edged  stone,  to  the  desired  length. 

The  women  simply  part  their  hair  in  the  middle,  gathering  it  back 
tightly  above  the  ears  and  twisting  it  into  a  knot  or  club  at  the  back  of 
the  neck.  The  silver  combs,  already  described,  are  placed  at  the  back  near 
the  top  of  the  head. 

Face  painting,  as  we  shall  see,  is  practiced  by  both  men  and  women  for 
certain  definite  purposes.  There  are  four  or  five  patterns  for  men  and  they 
indicate  which  of  two  societies,  namely  the  Chief  or  the  Warrior  society,  the 
wearer  belongs  to.  These  patterns  are  shown  in  PI.  X,  and  will  be  described 
in  more  detail  later  on.  Although  the  privilege  of  wearing  certain  of  these 
patterns  is  inherited  from  the  father,  young  men  are  not,  as  a  rule,  entitled 
to  use  them  until  they  have  been  initiated  into  the  town  and  can  take  a  wife. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  53 

Face  painting  is  an  important  ceremonial  decoration  and  is  scrupulously 
worn  at  ceremonies,  public  occasions  and  ball  games.  A  man  is  also 
decorated  with  his  society  design  for  burial. 

The  only  use  ever  made  of  paint  in  the  case  of  women  seems  to  have  been 
to  advertise  the  fact  that  they  were  unmarried.  Women  of  various  ages  are  now. 
however,  observed  with  paint,  and  it  is  generally  stated  that  no  significance 
is  attached  to  it.  One  informant  gave  the  above  information  in  regard  to  the 
past  use  of  paint  among  women  and  thought  that  to  wear  it  was  regarded 
then  as  a  sign  of  willingness  to  grant  sexual  privileges.  The  woman's  pattern 
consists  simply  of  a  circular  spot  in  red,  about  one  inch  across,  on  each  cheek 
(PL  X,  Fig.  4).  A  few  other  objects  of  personal  ornament  which  are,  however, 
functionally  more  ceremonial  will  be  described  when  dealing  specifically  with 
the  ceremonies. 


54  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 


DECORATIVE  ART  AND  SYMBOLISM. 

Something  has  already  been  said  about  decorative  designs  in  the  descrip- 
tion of  clothing,  but  the  designs  themselves  and  the  general  subject  of  art 
deserve  a  little  attention.  As  regards  the  artistic  expression  of  this  tribe 
it  seems  that,  in  general,  special  conventional  decorations  symbolizing  concrete 
objects  are  confined  to  a  few  articles  of  clothing  such  as  neckbands,  sashes, 
hair  ornaments,  leggings  and  carrying-pouches.  The  whole  field  is  permeated 
with  a  strong  religious  significance.  Decorations  of  a  like  sort  with  a  still 
more  emphatic  religious  meaning  are  found  on  pottery,  though  rarely,  as  well 
as  on  other  objects.  Besides  this  xve  find  occasional  attempts,  011  the  part 
of  the  men,  to  make  realistic  pictures  of  familiar  objects  by  means  of  pig- 
ments on  paper,  bark  or  skin,  not  to  mention  the  fashioning  of  a  few  crude 
representations  in  plastic  material.  Considering,  however,  the  part  that  con- 
ventional decoration  plays  in  the  present  case,  it  seems  to  outweigh  the 
importance  of  pictorial  art.  It  must  be  admitted,  though,  that  this  sup- 
position is  founded  entirely  on  the  consideration  of  modem  material,  and,  as 
there  appears  to  be  no  way  of  going  back  of  this  for  an  insight  into  earlier 
stages,  the  only  course  is  to  treat  it  as  a  native  feature.  A  suspicion 
regarding  the  foreign  origin  of  Yuchi  ornamentation  has  already  been 
mentioned.  We  must  also  reckon  with  considerable  deterioration  resulting 
from  contact  with  the  whites- 
Lacking,  then,  the  ability  to  deal  with  Yuchi  art  in  its  definitely  pure  state 
we  shall  undertake  the  consideration  of  some  decorative  designs  dn  clothing 
as  representing  the  most  specialized  and  characteristic  surviving  forms.  Some 
of  these  are  simple  conventional  geometrical  patterns  which  are  used  with 
variation  by  different  individuals  and  often  regarded  as  religious  symbols. 
For  instance,  we  find  the  conventional  bull  snake  pattern  on  sashes, 
garters,  neckbands  and  shoulder  straps,  with  a  religious  significance  attached 
to  it.  Inasmuch  as  the  Wind  on  one  of  his  excursions  made  use  of  bull  snakes 
for  his  sash,  garters  and  shoulder  strap  and  was  highly  successful  in  his  under- 
taking, the  emulation  of  this  great  being  is  sought  after  by  human  beings 
when  they  decorate  their  sashes,  garters  and  shoulder  straps  with  the  symbolic 
bull  snake  design.1  The  same  emulative  motives  are  to  be  found  in  the  frog 

lrThe  likelihood  that  the  snake  design  was  predominant  in  the  decoration  of  shoulder 
straps  and  sashes  of  most  of  the  southeastern  tribes  is  to  be  inferred  from  the  frequency 
with  which  this  design,  to  the  exclusion  of  others,  appears  in  the  portraits  of  Creeks,  Semi- 
nole  and  Cherokee  published  by  McKenney  and  Hall  (History  of  the  Indian  Tribes  of 
North  America,  3  vols.,  1848-50). 


F.    0.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  55 

effigy  pipes  and  in  the  turtle  design  which  is  common  on  the  side  pouches 
(PI.  IX.  Fig.  5). 

Other  patterns  lack,  so  far  as  is  known,  any  religious  associations,  being 
merely  conventional  decorative  representations  of  familiar  natural  objects. 
In  this  category  we  find  patterns  of  mountains,  clouds,  rivers,  the  moon,  sun, 
milky  way,  and  rainbow,  while  representations  of  such  living  forms  as 
the  centipede  and  the  bull  snake  are  also  met  with.  The  greatest  variety  of 
patterns  showing  minor  differences  and  bearing  the  same  interpretation  seem 
to  be  those  representing  sky  and  cloud  effects.  The  religious  interest  of  the 
Yuchi  in  the  upper  world  of  the  sky  may  have  influenced  them  in  their  taste 
for  celestial  symbols.  In  this  connection  it  should  be  remembered  that  they 
regard  themselves  as  the  offspring  of  the  sun  and  point  to  that  orb  as  the  tribal 
sign  in  gesture  talk.  It  was  remarked  by  one  of  the  men  who  supplied  the 
specimens  illustrated  here,  that  some  years  ago  when  the  Yuchi  were  more 
given  to  roving  about  the  plains  for  game  they  were  distinguished  among  the 
Osage,  Sauk,  Pawnee  and  other  tribes  encountered,  by  the  predominance 
of  cloud,  sky,  sun  and  moon  designs  shown  in  their  beadwork  neckbands.  In 
fact,  the  decorative  motives  seem  to  be  of  a  more  or  less  fixed  tribal  nature. 
No  symbols  for  abstract  ideas,  as  for  example  those  of  the  Arapaho  for  thought 
and  good  luck,  have  been  found. 

In  depicting  objects  and  in  conventional  patterns  naturally  the  outlines 
give  the  chief  character  to  the  figure,  though  colors  have  their  conventional 
uses.  Blue  represents  sky  or  water,  dark  blue,  the  sky  at  night,  and  white  or 
yellow,  light  or  illumination.  Green  represents  vegetation.  Brown,  earth  or 
sand,  and  red,  earth  and  fire.  As  among  many  tribes  of  North  America,  colors 
are  furthermore  associated  with  the  cardinal  points  by  the  Yuchi. 

kodanfd,  north;  hitsA."',  green  or  blue. 
fakanfd,  east;  yakd,  white. 
waf  fa,  south ;  tcald,  red. 
fanfd,  west;  ispV,  black. 

Of  these,  two  carry  the  symbolism  further.  The  east  and  its  whiteness 
signify  the  propitious,  the  west  and  black  stand  for  the  unpropitious,  while 
red  is  symbolical  of  war  and  turbulence.  These  concepts,  at  least  the  black 
west  and  the  white  east,  are  undoubtedly  connected  with  day  and  night. 

In  different  accounts  the  colors  going  with  the  cardinal  points  vary  some- 
what. It  appears  that  no  fixed  symbolism  is  maintained  but  that  the  idea  of 
color  in  connection  with  the  points  is  general  but  variable.  The  same  tendency 
seems  to  be  found  in  other  tribes,  which  would  explain  the  conflicts  xvhich  are 
often  recorded. 

The  illustrations  given  here  were  mostly  made  from  specimens  secured 
from  the  Indians  and  the  interpretations  are  those  offered  by  their  makers.  In 


56  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

some  cases,  however,  patterns  were  remembered  by  Indians  but  no  actual 
specimens  showing  them  could  be  obtained.  Pigment  representations  in  color 
were  then  made  by  the  Indians  of  a  few  designs  which  were  familiar  to  them 
but  out  of  use,  and  the  interpretations  were  secured  at  the  same  time  as  the 
sketches.  Other  designs  were  copied  from  specimens  which  could  not  be  ob- 
tained. PI.  VIII,  Fig.  8  is  a  general  pattern  representing  the  bull  snake, 
cankd,  on  earth  or  sand.  It  was  done  in  pigment  and  said  to  be  intended 
for  use  on  shoulder  straps  of  pouches,  garters  or  sashes.  Fig.  7  also  shows 
a  pattern  of  the  bull  snake  design  for  similar  use;  the  body  material  here  is 
supposed  to  be  of  some  white  cloth  and  the  red,  yellow  and  blue  outlines  are 
to  be  produced  by  sewing  the  beads  on  or  weaving  them  singly  in  the  fabric. 
Fig.  6  is  an  actual  design  taken  from  a  pair  of  woven  garters.  The  white 
beads  are  woven  in  the  fabric  and  the  whole  also  symbolizes  the  bull  snake. 
Fig.  2  is  a  pattern  representing  the  centipede,  totcengane.  It  was  done  in 
pigments  and  is  intended  for  use  on  beadwork  neckbands.  Figs.  3  and  4 
are  both  from  specimens  of  beadwork  neckbands  and  show  three-color  conven- 
tionalizations of  the  centipede.  Fig.  5  represents  the  same  with  the  difference 
that  the  legs  are  shown  in  the  outside  marginal  row.  Fig.  1  and  PI.  IX  Fig. 
4,  show  mountain  designs  seen  on  breechcloth  flaps,  blankets,  and  belts,  and 
used  also  on  neckbands.  This  is  called  ^a'yaboha  p?*en,  'many  crooked 
mountains.'  PI.  VIII.  Fig.  9,  is  a  pattern,  tse^a',  river,  taken  from  a  neckband 
representing  a  river,  in  blue,  flowing  through  arid  country,  indicated  by  the 
brown  ground  color.  Fig.  15  is  another  neckband  design  showing  the  same 
idea  with  a  little  variation  in  color.  Fig.  14  is  a  hair  ornament  representing 
likewise  a  river  flowing  through  a  fertile  prairie  land.  In  Fig.  13  is  a  pigment 
pattern  for  belt,  shoulder  strap  or  neckband.  It  represents  an  otter, 
according  to  its  well-known  habit,  sliding  down  the  bank  of  a  stream  into 
the  water  which  is  represented  by  the  blue  area.  The  red  portion  shows  the 
muddy  bank.  Fig.  12  is  taken  from  a  beadwork  neckband  and  shows  the 
milky  way,  tsene  yuctanr,  'dog's  trail,'  in  white,  as  seen  on  a  starlight  night. 
The  dark  blue  represents  the  sky  at  night  and  the  white  beads  in  it  are  stars. 
Fig.  11  shows  the  design  on  a  woman's  belt  done  in  beads  and  cloth 
appliquee.  The  whole  represents  the  breaking  up  of  storm  clouds,  showing 
glimpses  of  the  blue  sky  in  between  the  cloud  banks'.  Fig.  16  is  from  a 
beadwork  necklace  and  represents  a  bright  sky  with  various  kinds  of  cumu- 
lus clouds  which  are  shown  in  the  different  shaped  rectangles.  Fig.  10  is 
another  neckband  design  representing  the  rainbow,  yifia'  or  wefia'.  Fig.  17, 
taken  from  a  neckband,  is  similar  in  content  to  Fig.  16,  showing  cumulus  clouds.1 
The  right  angle  L  represents  the  moon.  Figs.  18  and  19  are  neckband  and 
hair  ornament  designs  representing  different  sunrise  or  sunset  effects,  tsonh.nr. 

One  informant  gave  the  additional  name  of  "boxes"  to  the  rectangles. 


F.    G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  57 

Fig.  20  is  a  variation  of  the  idea  represented  in  Fig.  17,  showing  also  the  moon 
symbol.  This  was  taken  from  a  beadwork  neckband.  Fig.  21,  also  a  neck- 
band idea,  is  uniform  red  representing  the  glow  of  sunset  in  the  sky,  and  is 
called  hoponle  tcaldla,  'sky  red  all  over.'  Figs.  22  and  23  are  beadwork 
design  elements  also  representing  sunrise  or  sunset  amid  clouds. 

The  most  characteristic  and  important  example  of  religious  symbolism  is 
to  be  found  in  the  public  area  or  town  square  of  Yuchi  town  where  the  cere- 
monies are  performed  and  tribal  gatherings  take  place.  Although  this  will  be 
described  and  figured  further  on  under  another  heading  (see  PI. XI),  it  deserves 
mention  here.  The  town  square  itself,  with  its  three  lodges  on  the  north,  south 
and  xvest,  symbolized  the  rainbow.  The  natural  coloring  of  the  brown  earth 
floor  of  the  square,  the  green  brush  roofs  of  the  lodges,  the  gray  ashes  of  the  fire 
in  the  center  and  the  red  of  the  flames  formed  altogether  an  enormous  ashes, 
earth  and  vegetation  painting,  if  such  an  expression  might  be  used,  which  was 
the  tribal  shrine.  The  colors  of  this  town  square  altar  corresponded  to  those 
of  the  rainbow.  The  ceremonial  event  which  took  place  annually  on  this 
shrine  furthermore  symbolized  the  various  actions  of  the  chief  supernatural 
being  and  culture  hero  Sun  who  taught  the  people  the  ceremony  as  it  was  per- 
formed by  the  inhabitants  of  the  sky  in  the  rainbow  during  the  mythical  period. 
Like  the  symbolism  of  many  primitive  peoples  in  America  that  of  the  Yuchi 
was  closely  connected  with  religious  life. 

It  is  observable  that  most  of  the  geometrical  figures  used  here  as  design 
elements,  such  as  rectangles,  triangles  and  zigzag  lines,  are  commonly  found  in  a 
similar  capacity  in  other  regions  with,  however,  different  and  arbitrary  sym- 
bolisms and  interpretations  in  different  localities.  This  seems  to  be  in  accord 
with  what  Dr.  Boas  has  shown  for  parts  of  North  America,  that  certain  figures 
have  become  disseminated  through  wide  areas  and  have  received  secondary, 
oftentimes  symbolical,  interpretations  when  adopted  by  different  tribes  accord- 
ing to  their  particular  interests.  Below,  in  Fig.  31,  is  given  a  summary  of 
Yuchi  conventional  figures  from  the  material  at  hand  to  facilitate  the  com- 
parison of  American  motives  and  their  interpretations.  The  significance 
of  the  various  colors  has  already  been  given.  To  conclude  this  very  brief 
account  of  art  and  symbolism  a  few  examples  of  pictorial  representations 
are  given.  These  drawings  in  color  were  brought  in  by  Indians  to  further 
explain  various  features  of  ethnology  while  investigation  was  being  car- 
ried on.  No  claim  is  made  regarding  their  spontaneity  or  native  orig- 
inality. In  Plate  IX,  Fig.  10  represents  a  buffalo  fish  which  has  been 
shot  with  an  arrow,  Fig.  9  shows  a  cow's  head  with  an  arrow  crosswise 
in  its  mouth.  The  picture  of  a  mortar,  pestle  and  two  potstirrers  (Fig.  11) 
was  drawn  to  show  the  miniature  domestic  utensils  which  are  hidden  away 
with  the  navel  cord  of  a  female  child  to  influence  its  future.  Fig.  6  represents 
a  war  club  of  an  ancient  type  no  longer  seen,  with  a  String  of  feathers.  Fig.  7 


58  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    f. 


10 


1 1 


12 


13 


14 


15 


o 


L6 


17 


O 

o 


18  19  20 


1  o 


22  23 


2-1 


1,  2  Snake. 
3,  4  Centipede. 
5,  6  River. 
7  Rainbow. 


Fig.  31. 

8,  9  Morning  or  Evening  Sky.  17-19  Stars. 

10  Milky  Way.  20-22  Moon  or  Sun. 

11-15  Clouds.  23-25  Sun. 

16  Sunset  or  Sunrise.  26,  27  Mountains. 


F.    G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY   OF    THE   YUCHI  .INDIANS.  59 

is  the  sun  and  moon  or  moon  and  star  symbol,  which  was  placed  over  the 
entrance  of  the  Yuchi  house  as  a  tribal  mark  symbolizing  the  kinship  of  the 
people  to  the  sun.  Fig.  8  is  a  design  taken  from  a  drum  head.  It  represents 
the  color  symbolism  of  the  cardinal  points,  lacking,  however,  the  black  for 
west.  The  Yuchi  seem  to  perceive  no  intrinsic  difference  between  approxi- 
mate shades  of  green  and  blue.  When  these  colors  are  placed  side  by  side, 
however,  they  note  an  existing  difference  when  attention  is  called  to  it.  The 
language  has  one  word  for  the  two  colors,  hits\nt ' .  Shades  and  tones  of  other 
colors  are  seldom  distinguished.  Even  the  extremes  do  not  call  forth 
particular  mention  unless  they  border  on  each  other.  Thus  indigo  might 
be  called  black.  Yellow  and  green,  however,  are  clearly  distinguished  apart 
and  are  covered  by  particular  xvords,  dl  yellow,  hits\nr  green  or  blue.  Aesthet- 
ically green  or  blue  and  yellow  were  claimed  as  the  favorite  colors  by  the 
majority  of  those  wrho  were  questioned  about  the  matter.  It  may  also  be  noted 
here  that  designs  representing  cloud  effects  and  celestial  phenomena  are  held 
in  the  greatest  fondness. by  the  Yuchi,  in  which  preference  they  may  have 
been  influenced  by  religious  associations.  The  favorite  patterns  are  commonly 
called  by  such  names  as  engedjinen,  'dressed  up/  and  gatse' 'ponpane ,  'pretty.' 
Several  more  complex  pictures  are  reproduced  on  Plate  IX,  which  may 
be  of  native  origin.  They  were  made  by  a  chief  of  his  own  accord  on 
paper  to  illustrate  several  things  that  were  mentioned  in  the  myths.  They 
are  comparable  to  some  of  the  pictures  made  by  the  plains  tribes  for  similar 
purposes.  Fig.  3  depicts  the  milky  way,  tsene yucta™ ,  'dog's  trail,'  at  night 
and  the  clear  sky  studded  with  stars.  This  is  to  explain  the  belief  that  the 
milky  way  is  the  trail  of  White  Dog,  a  supernatural  being,  who  travels  over 
it  every  night.  The  ramification  to  the  right,  which  is  rather  difficult 
to  distinguish  in  the  milky  "way,  is  supposed  to  be  a  blind  trail  leading 
toward  the  earth.  The  White  Dog  frequently  blunders  and  takes  the  blind 
trail,  getting  quite  near  to  the  earth  before  he  discovers  his  mistake.  The 
Indian  dogs  are  quick  to  perceive  this  and  thereupon  set  up  a  howl  which 
they  keep  up  until  White  Dog  has  passed  on.  Thus  the  weird  howling  at 
night  of  the  Indian  dogs  is  accounted  for.  Fig.  2  shows  the  rainbow,  yifia', 
'big  house  (?),'  the  trail  over  which  the  soul  travels  toward  the  spirit  land. 
The  brown  area  represents  earth  with  a  mountain  in  darker  shade ;  the  blue 
is  water  in  the  background,  with  sky  in  green  above  all.  In  Fig.  1  is  a  river, 
land,  a  mountain  range  and  sky  in  their  respective  conventional  colors.  In 
the  foreground  are  trees,  and  a  raccoon  which  has  been  fishing  and  is  now 
bound  for  the  tree  on  the  left  where  he  has  his  hole.  Fig.  5  is  given  to 
show  a  design  used  on  the  side  pouches  and  shoulder  straps  which  sup- 
port them.  The  upper  figure  is  a  turtle,  tdbzar.  The  turtle  and  snake  de- 
signs on  these  pouches  have  already  been  described  so  it  is  not  necessary  to 
explain  their  significance  again.  The  other  figures  on  the  lower  part  of  the 


60  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

pouch  are  a  hand  and  a  tomahawk.  I  could  not  find  out  what  idea  they  are 
intended  to  convey,  or  what  their  reason  was  for  being  here.  The  aesthetic 
and  symbolic  forms  exhibited  in  pipes  (Fig.  11)  and  clay  figures  (Fig.  12)  have 
been  described  before  and  hardly  need  to  be  more  than  mentioned. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS. 


61 


MUSIC. 

Singing  at  ceremonies  and  dances  was  accompanied  by  drums  and 
rattles  of  two  kinds. 

The  large  drum  was  made  of  hide  stretched  over  a  log  sometimes  three  feet 
high  and  was  used  to  call  the  townspeople  together,  and  to  accompany  dancing. 
This  in  later  times  was  replaced  by  a  smaller  type  of  drum,  the  pot-drum, 
didane  (Fig.  32)  now  used  at  ceremonies.  It  was  made  by  stretching  a  piece 
of  hide  over  an  earthen  pot  standing  about  18  inches  high,  containing  water. 
An  ordinary  stick  was  used  xvith  it  as  a  drum  stick.  The  hide  covering 
was  decorated  usually  with  a  painted  wheel-like  design,  suggesting  a  correspond- 
ence with  the  cardinal  symbolism  (See  Fig.  8,  Plate  IX).  The  black  for  west 
seems  to  be  lacking  and  yellow  is  substituted  for  white  in  this  specimen.  The 
drum  had  its  special  resting  place  in  front  of  the  chiefs  lodge  in  the  town  square 
and  the  privilege  of  beating  it  was  vested  in  a  certain  individual. 


Fig.  32.      Pot  Drum. 

The  hand  rattle,  tanban6  (PI.  VII,  Figs.  3,  4),  was  formerly  a  gourd,  but 
nowadays  is  a  cocoanut  shell  scraped  thin  and  filled  with  small  white  pebbles 
a  stick  being  run  through  the  nut  to  serve  as  a  handle.  Small  circular 
orifices  are  made  in  the  shell  to  let  the  sound  out.  The  gourd  rattle  was  held 
at  right  angle  to  the  forearm  in  the  right  hand.  Sun  symbols  (Figure  31,  Nos. 
23,  25),  often  are  carved  or  etched  around  the  perforations  on  the  shell. 

A  characteristic  and  peculiar  instrument  is  the  tsonta'  (PI.  VII,  Figs. 
10,  11)  the  rattles  worn  only  by  women  in  the  dances.  They  are  composed 
of  six  to  ten  terrapin  shells  containing  small  white  pebbles,  attached  to  sheets 
of  hide.  Each  shell  has  a  number  of  holes  in  it  and  is  comparable  in 
function  to  the  single  hand  rattle.  One  such  bunch  of  rattles  is  bound  to 
each  leg  below  the  knee.  A  shuffling  up  and  down  step  produces  a  very 
resonant  sound  from  this  instrument.  Two  women  usually  carry  them  and 


62  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

may  enter  most  of  the  dances  when  they  have  been  well  started.  The 
tsonta'  is  said  to  be  chiefly  destined  for  the  Turtle  Dance,  but  was  observed 
in  use  in  others. 

All  of  the  above  instruments  were  functionally  ceremonial.  There  is 
another,  however,  which  is  strictly  informal  in  its  use.  This  is  the 
flute  or  perhaps  more  properly  the  flageolet,  lok\nf,  (PL  VII,  Fig.  2).  It  is 
made  of  cedar  wood,  being  about  two  feet  long  and  one  inch  in  diameter. 
A  stick  of  the  proper  thickness  is  split  down  the  center  and  the 
sections  gouged  out  until  about  one-eighth  of  an  inch  thick.  The 
concave  sections  are  then  placed  together  in  their  original  position  and 
bound  in  five  or  six  places  with  buckskin  or  cord.  The  mouthpiece 
is  formed  by  simply  tapering  off  the  end  abruptly.  The  red  cedar  wood 
used  is  sacred.  There  are  six  hole  stops  on  the  upper  side  of  the  lower  half 
of  the  instrument.  A  flat  piece  of  lead  is  bound  with  its  edge  at  the  air  vent 
which  is  about  four  inches  from  the  mouthpiece.  The  air  channel  to  the  lead 
is  formed  by  the  raised  interior  and  is  covered  by  a  peculiar  block  of  wood 
which  is  gummed  and  bound  on.  The  following  seven  tones  are  produced. 
The  pitch  is  about  one-half  a  tone  higher  than  that  of  the  medium  absolute 
scale. 


This  type  of  flute  is  one  that  is  found  widely  distributed  over  the  continent. 
Here  as  elsewhere  it  is  employed  by  men  as  an  important  aid  in  influencing  the 
emotions  of  the  opposite  sex.  Very  plaintive  and  touching  strains  are  pro- 
duced on  the  flute.  They  seem  to  have  a  deep  effect  upon  the  Indians,  often 
moving  the  hearers  to  tears.  Young  men  intentionally  play  these  sad  tunes  to 
arouse  the  emotions  of  young  girls,  and  the  players  themselves  appear  to  be 
as  much  affected  as  anyone.  The  owner  of  a  flute  keeps  his  instrument  wrapped 
up  in  a  package  and  treats  it  with  extreme  care.  It  was  formerly  put  to 
another  use  sometimes.  When  the  people  were  traveling  from  a  distance 
toward  the  town  square  to  attend  ceremonies  there,  the  flute  was  often  made 
to  give  forth  a  few  measures  of  music  as  a  sort  of  travelling  song.  When 
passing  isolated  farms  or  settlements  on  the  route  the  flute  was  also  played 
to  signal  the  presence  of  the  travellers  and  to  call  the  hearers  to  join  them 
on  their  journey  to  the  town  square. 

One  of  the  tunes  played  on  the  flute  as  a  love  song  was  recorded  on  the 
phonograph  and  a  transcription  of  it  is  offered  below.  The  man  who  gave  this 
tune  exclaimed  something  like  the  following  when  he  had  finished:  "Oh,  if 
some  girls  were  only  here!  When  they  hear  that  they  cry  and  then  you  can 
fondle  them.  It  makes  them  feel  lonesome.  I  wish  some  were  here  now.  I 
feel  badly  myself." 


F.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE   YUCHI   INDIANS. 

The  strain  is  as  follows : — 

^-rF==P^^^-7-n--i— i-p== 

'— a—  — *--  f*^-» — a— 


The  above  theme  is  repeated  over  and  over  again  with  all  possible  varia- 
tions, as  shown  in  the  five  typical  staffs  given. 

The  vocal  ceremonial  music  of  the  Yuchi  shows  one  feature  at  least  which  is 
rather  more  complex  than  what  is  generally  found  among  Indians.  The  char- 
acter of  the  music  of  the  other  southeastern  tribes  also  resembles  theirs  in  this 
respect.  The  characteristic  trait  is  that,  in  many  of  the  ceremonial  dance  songs, 
the  leader  gives  one  measure  and  his  followers  respond  in  chorus  in  another 
measure  or  in  a  variation  of  the  leader's.  It  resembles  what  is  commonly 
known  as  "round"  singing  where  there  are  two  members.  A  concrete  example 
will,  perhaps,  better  illustrate  this  point.  In  one  of  the  favorite  dances,  the 
leader  steps  out  from  the  lodge  on  the  town  square  where  his  rank  entitles  him 
to  sit,  and  walks  over  to  the  fire  in  the  center  of  the  square,  passing  around  it 
several  turns  from  right  to  left.  At  about  the  second  turn  he  assumes  a 
posture  and  rhythmic  step,  holds  up  his  elbows  and  sings  with  a  deep  resonant 
voice 


ho  ho  -  6 

Before  he  has  finished  the  final  glide  the  other  men,  who  have  by  this  time  filed 
in  behind  him,  repeat  the  syllables  on  a  lower  note  somewhere  near  the  end  of  the 
glide,  but  with  less  of  a  musical  tone 


64  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    1. 

Immediately  following  this  the  leader  repeats  his  first  notes,  changing  the 
syllables  to  ha  ha — ha.  The  file  responds  in  chorus  as  before,  changing  their 
syllables  to  correspond  with  those  of  the  leader.  This  may  be  repeated  over 
again,  by  the  leader,  three  or  four  tunes,  sometimes  varied  with  the  syllables 
he  he — e,  then  he  introduces  a  change. 
He  sings 


ah!    hi    yo 


the  dancers  respond  with 


ah !  hi    yo 

and  this  is  repeated  four  times.      Then  the  leader   changes  again.     With 
increasing  vehemence  he  sings 


ah    hi    ya«     a 


to  which  the  dancers  respond  with 


ah    hi    ya£     a 

and  this  is  gone   through  four   times.      The   leader   then  gives    a   shorter 
measure, 


which  the  other  dancers  repeat,  sounding  their  first  note  immediately  after 
his  last.     The  leader  now,  on  his  part,  follows  without  a  pause  with 


ho     ho 

which  the  other  dancers  repeat  after  him.  What  has  already  been  sung  may 
constitute,  with  of  course  many  fourfold  repetitions,  the  first  song  of  the 
dance  and  the  leader  closes  it  with  a  shrill  yell  which  his  followers  echo. 
This  type  of  song  is  very  characteristic  and  common.  There  are,  however, 
other  ways  of  varying  the  "rounds,"  either  by  repeating  the  last  two 
syllables  of  the  leader's  part  on  the  same  notes  that  he  uses,  or  on  different 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE    YUCHI    INDIANS.  65 

notes  in  harmony  with  them.  Another  variation  has  been  noted  in  which  the 
syllables  of  the  line  dancers'  responses  are  entirely  different  from  the  leader's. 
We  have,  for  instance,  in  another  song 

* 


ah    hi    ya«    a 
sung  by  the  leader,  to  which  the  dancers  respond  with 


yo     ho 
and  the  leader  finishes  the  couplet  with 


to  which  the  dancers  answer 


yo     ho 

Other  examples  of  the  syllables  which  appear  in  the  leader's  strain  and  in 
the  dancers'  responses  can  be  seen  in  some  of  the  dance  songs  which  will  be 
given  later  on. 

It  is  characteristic  of  the  ceremonial  dance  songs  that  they  consist  al- 
most entirely  of  meaningless  syllables.  Only  in  rare  instances  do  words 
appear  for  a  few  measures,  to  be  lost  again  in  the  rhythmic  jumble  of  mere 
syllabic  sounds. 

The  rhythm  of  the  songs  which  coincides  in  most  dances  with  the  beat  of 
the  drum  or  the  shake  of  the  rattle  is  predominantly  one-two.  The  shuffling 
step  of  the  dancers  also  accommodates  itself  to  this  time.  The  only  other  drum 
rhythms  heard  were  three-fourths,  four-fourths  and  an  attempted  tremolo  which 
occurs  oftentimes  at  the  end  of  a  song  or  where  a  break  is  made.  Both  of  the 
rattles,  the  hand  rattle  and  the  woman's  terrapin  shell  leg  rattles,  are  shaken 
in  accordance  with  two-fourths  time,  either  slowly  or  rapidly  according  to  the 
circumstances.  Vehemence  or  excitement  naturally  tends  to  increase  the 
speed  of  the  rhythm. 

As  regards  the  intrinsic  harmony  of  the  dance  songs  it  must  be  added  that 
to  the  ordinary  European  ear  they  are  remarkably  agreeable.  The  simple 
rhythm  accented  by  the  drum  or  rattle,  and  visualized  by  the  steps  and 
motions  of  the  dancers  has  a  noticeable  carrying  force.  To  the  natural 
voices  of  the  Indians  the  songs  in  both  tone  and  syllable,  are  well  adapted. 


66  ANTHEOPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

Much  practice  in  singing  the  dance  songs  from  early  youth  makes  the 
unison  and  promptness  of  the  responses  almost  mechanical. 

There  is  another  feature  of  the  dance  songs  deserving  of  mention  here.  It 
is  a  common  thing  for  men  \vho  are  clever  in  this  line  to  compose  new  songs, 
and  words  to  go  with  them.  They  usually  choose  some  occasion  when  dancing 
is  going  on  to  present  their  pieces.  Naturally,  of  course,  there  is  nothing 
radically  original  in  either  the  wording  or  the  music  of  the  new  dance  songs. 
They  are,  as  far  as  observation  goes,  largely  plagiarized  from  more  or  less 
stereotyped  native  sources.  In  presenting  a  new  piece  the  composer  usually 
steps  into  the  dancing  space  between  dances  and  leads  off  with  some  famil- 
iar introduction  until  a  few  dancers  have  joined  in  behind  him.  Then  when 
all  are  well  started  he  begins  his  composition,  while  those  behind  him  simply 
keep  on  with  what  they  commenced.  So  the  composer  as  dance  leader 
carries  on  his  new  song  much  to  the  enjoyment  of  his  consorts  and  the 
amusement  of  the  spectators.  No  drumming  accompanies  these  dances. 
Unfortunately  full  examples  of  this  kind  of  musical  innovation  are  not 
available  in  Yuchi.  Such  songs  do  not  seem  to  have  any  religious  bearing 
whatever.  Their  most  prominent  characteristics  appear  to  be  the  humorous, 
the  obscene  and,  in  some  respects,  the  clownish.  Part  of  one  song  composition, 
which  I  remember,  describes  a  man's  attempt  to  plow  with  a  castrated  hog 
and  a  bison  bull  harnessed  together.  Before  the  first  furrow  is  finished,  as  the 
song  goes,  the  hog  wants  to  wallow  in  the  mud  and  the  bison  bull  wants  a  drink. 
Then  they  break  out  of  bounds  and  run  away,  leaving  the  man  dumbfounded. 
An  example  of  obscene  composition  is  one  which  alternates  stanzas  of  meaning- 
less syllables,  such  as  ya  le  haf,  yo  ha  he*,  with  short  phrases  describing  coha- 
bitation or  mentioning  the  private  parts.1 

The  Indians  regard  a  good  singer  and  dancer  as  an  accomplished  man, 
hence  no  little  pride  is  manifested  in  the  art.  Love  songs  are  also  common 
and  are  sung  to  give  vent  to  related  emotions,  such  as  loneliness,  sorrow,  joy 
and  other  passions.  One  of  these  songs,  which  are,  for  the  most  part,  also 
burdens  without  meaning,  was  given  in  a  paper  on  the  Creek  Indians2,  but  this 
might  be  taken  for  a  Yuchi  song  as  well,  being  apparently  common  to  both 
tribes. 


1  The  words  of  another  pantomimic  song  of  the  same  sort  in  Creek  have  been  given  in 
"The  Creek  Indians  of  Taskigi  Town."  Memoirs  American  Anthropological  Asso- 
ciation, Vol.  II,  part  II,  p.  138. 

'Ibid.,  p.  120. 


F.    G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  67 


DIVISION  OF  TIME. 

The  seasons  are  four  in  number.  Spring,  called  hlnA.nwadeU,  'when  sum- 
mer is  near/  is  the  time  when  agricultural  activities  are  resumed  after  the 
comparative  idleness  of  the  winter.  'Summer/  wade*,  a  term  apparently 
related  to  wdfd,  'south,'  is  the  long  and  active  season.  Autumn,  yaca- 
dltt,  'when  the  tree  leaves  are  yellow/  is  a  period  of  combined  rest,  hunting 
and  enjoyment.  Winter  was  called  wlctd,  'snow  comes  (?).'  This  season  the 
people  spent  in  idleness  and  recreation. 

The  year  is  further  divided  into  moons  or  months,  each  of  which  has 
its  name.  The  names  of  eleven  of  these  moons  with  translations  and  the 
corresponding  months  in  our  calendar  are  as  follows: 

5s  a  latcpl'  Ground  frozen  month January. 

Ho' da  dzo Wind  month February. 

WadPd'  slug0' Little  summer March. 

WdcfiaPa' Big  summer April 

Decso'  nendzo Mulberry  ripening  month May. 

Cpdco  nendzd Blackberry  ripening  month June. 

Wag£a'  kya Middle  of  summer July. 

Ts6ne  agd  Dog  day August. 

Tsogd  ll'ne  tsese  Hay  cutting  month September. 

Tsofid'  honstan$ Corn  ripening  month October. 

Ho'ctA.nd?a'  kya Middle  of  winter December. 

The  passage  of  time  during  the  day  time  is  commonly  observed  by  glancing 
at  the  sun.  During  the  night  time  the  moon  and  stars,  if  the  weather  is  clear, 
serve  the  same  purpose. 

The  day  itself  is  divided  into  different  periods  equivalent,  in  our  reckoning, 
to  morning,  noon,  afternoon  and  evening.  The  names  for  these  are  agyatt, 
'at  dawn/  'morning';  yubal£n,  'noon/ derivative  from  yu'ba  'high/  referring 
to  the  sun;  padonAnhogy£,  'afternoon/  'toward  the  night;'  fd  'evening/  and 
lastly,  padof  'night.' 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 


SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION. 

The  social  and  political  organization  of  the  Yuchi  is,  for  a  primitive 
people,  rather  complex.  What  is  offered  here  upon  this  subject  probably  does 
not  represent  all  that  could  be  said ;  neither  is  it  to  be  supposed  that  the  In- 
dians of  today  retain  a  complete  knowledge  of  earlier  social  conditions. 
.  The  social  groups  outside  of  the  ordinary  family  consisting  of  man, 
wife  or  wives  and  offspring,  are  two,  namely  the  clan,  and  another  which 
for  want  of  better  terms  we  may  call  the  society  or  class.  The  whole  tribal 
•community,  inclusive  of  the  various  groups,  forms  another  unit  with  special 
institutions,  called  the  town.  At  several  periods  in  history  the  town  has 
been  co-terminous  with  the  tribe.  At  other  times,  when  its  settlements  have 
been  scattered  over  wider  areas,  the  tribe  has  divided  itself  into  several  towns, 
some  of  these  assuming  independent  names  and  the  privileges  of  self  control 
in  political  and  religious  matters.  Anticipating  somewhat  the  discussion  of 
the  clans  we  find  these  to  be  maternal  totemic  groups  with  the  regulation  of 
exogamy.  These  clans  number  about  twenty.  The  society  or  class  divisions, 
on  the  other  hand,  show  a  grouping  of  the  males  of  the  tribe  into  a  two-fold 
division.  This  identity  descends  from  father  to  son,  certain  public  offices 
connected  with  religious  ceremonies  and  political  matters  going  with  it.  The 
societies,  besides,  are  the  only  social  divisions  which  have  distinctive  personal 
insignia,  in  the  form  of  designs  in  facial  painting.  Lastly  the  town,  or 
the  tribe,  we  shall  find  to  be  the  all-embracing  institution  with  its  elective 
officials,  its  annual  religious  ceremonials  and  its  public  square-ground  where 
councils  and  social  gatherings  are  held,  and  which,  once  a  year,  becomes, 
in  the  native  mind,  a  religious  shrine  where  the  whole  community  is  ex- 
pected to  assemble  for  the  annual  ceremonies. 

After  the  Yuchi  became  a  part  of  the  confederacy  instituted  by  the  Creek 
(Muskogi)  tribes  a  slight  development  is  to  be  noted.  The  tribe  then  became 
politically  a  town  of  the  confederacy  and  had  to  appoint  a  representative  to  the 
confederacy  council,  without,  however,  suffering  the  loss  of  its  independence 
in  most  matters.  The  Yuchi  tribe  thereafter  owed  a  certain  amount  of  support 
to  the  Creek  confederacy  and  was  to  a  slight  extent  subject  to  its  military 
decisions. 

KINSHIP. 

The  family,  in  our  sense  of  the  word,  as  a  group  is  of  very  little  social  or 
political  importance  in  the  tribe.  The  father  has  a  certain  individual  social 


F.    G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  69 

standing  according  to  his  clan  and  according  to  his  society.  The  woman  oh 
the  other  hand  carries  the  identity  of  the  children,  who  may  be  said  to  belong 
to  her.  The  bonds  of  closest  kinship,  however,  being  reckoned  chiefly  through 
the  mother,  it  would  appear  that  the  closest  degrees  of  consanguinity  are 
counted  in  the  clan.  This  matter  of  kinship  is  better  illustrated  by  the  list  of 
terms  which  I  give  below.  The  list  does  not  claim  to  be  exhaustive. 

1.  dltso  t*dnf,  my  father. 

2.  dltso  hanf,  my  mother. 

3.  dls2dne,     my  son. 

4.  dfiyane,  my  daughter. 

5.  dlgosne,  my  child  (indefinite). 

6.  dltso  dane,  my  brother,  my  clan  brother. 

7.  dltso  wcfine,  my  sister,  my  mother's  sister's  daughter. 

8.  dltso  dflne,  my  children  (both  sexes),  great  grandchildren,  etc. 

9.  dltso  hdnsl'  (literally  "my  little  mother")  my  mother's  sister. 

10.  dltso  tsansl',  (literally   "my  little  father")   my  mother's  brother,  my 

father's  brother. 

11.  dfiyA™,  my  mother's  sister's  son. 

12.  dl  lahd,  my  father's  sister,  my  mother's  mother,  my  mother's  grand- 

mother, great-grandmother,  etc.,  my  father's  mother  (and  her 
sisters  and  brothers). 

13.  dltsozo'}  my  mother's  father,  my  mother's  grandfather,  great-grandfather, 

etc.,  my  father's  father  (and  his  sisters  and  brothers). 

14.  dlga'tA™,  my  wife,  (if  there  is  more  than  one  all  are  included  under  the 

same  term),  my  husband  (woman  speaking). 

15.  dltso  gewosahA.™ ,  my  wife's  father,  my  wife's  mother. 

16.  dltso  kydne,  my  wife's  sister,  my  wife's  father's  sister,  my  wife's  mother's 

sister. 

17.  dltso  djane,  my  wife's  brother,   my  wife's  father's  brother,  my  wife's 

mother's  brother. 

18.  dlga'tl',  my  friend. 

A  few  remarks  on  this  list  will  perhaps  make  the  reckoning  some- 
what clearer.  The  children  of  the  father's  sisters  and  the  children  of  the 
brother  are  not  in  the  list,  as  they  are  expressed ,  not  by  any  specific  term  of 
relationship,  but  by  a  combination  of  the  involved  terms,  i.  e.,  dl  lahd  se 
s2dne,  'my  father's  sister,  her  son',  and  dltso  dane  honssdne,  'my  brother,  his 
son.' 

So  also  with  the  children  of  'my  wife's  brothers  and  sisters/  and  'my  wife's 
father's  sisters  and  brothers. '  In  fact,  by  means  of  the  first  six  terms  (omitting 


70  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

5)  almost  any  relationship  can  be  expressed.  It  is,  moreover,  frequently  done 
in  this  way  by  those  who  are  not  well  informed  on  the  terms.1 

The  terms  of  relationship  from  14  onwards  answer  as  well  for  a  man 
speaking  as  for  a  woman  speaking. 

It  can  readily  be  seen  from  this  list  that  the  lines  of  closest  kinship  are 
within  the  clan.  (See  6,  7,  9,  10,  11.) 

Contrary  to  what  might  be  expected  in  America,  it  appears  that  no  dis- 
tinction in  terms  is  made  between  elder  or  younger  brothers  and  sister1  and 
elder  or  younger  sons  and  daughters. 

Sex  appears  to  be  a  distinctive  characterizer  as  shown  in  most  of  the 
equivalents  for  dl  lahd  (12)  and  dits*o  &  (13). 

It  is  also  rather  peculiar  that,  after  the  first  generation  from  the  speaker, 
posterity  is  not  differentiated,  but  is  grouped  promiscuously  under  the  one 
term  ditso  djin£  (8). 

THE  CLANS. 

One  of  the  social  units  of  the  Yuchi  requiring  to  be  taken  up  in  detail  is 
the  clan.  This  is  a  group  in  which  membership  is  reckoned  through  maternal 
descent.  The  members  of  each  clan  believe  that  they  are  the  relatives  and,  in 
some  vague  way,  the  descendants  of  certain  pre-existing  animals  whose  names 
and  identity  they  now  bear.  The  animal  ancestors  are  accordingly  totemic. 
In  regard  to  the  living  animals,  they,  too,  are  the  earthly  types  and  descendants 
of  the  pre-existing  ones,  hence,  since  they  trace  their  descent  from  the  same 
sources  as  the  human  clans,  the  two  are  consanguinely  related. 

This  brings  the  various  clan  groups  into  close  relationship  with  various 
species  of  animals  and  we  find  accordingly  that  the  members  of  each  clan  will 
not  do  violence  to  wild  animals  having  the  form  and  name  of  their  totem. 
For  instance,  the  Bear  clan  people  never  molest  bears,  but  nevertheless  they 
use  commodities  made  from  parts  of  the  bear.  Such  things,  of  course,  as 
bear  hides,  bear  meat  or  whatever  else  may  be  useful,  are  obtained  from 
other  clans  who  have  no  taboo  against  killing  bears.  In  the  same  way 
the  Deer  people  use  parts  of  the  deer  when  they  have  occasion  to,  but  do 
not  directly  take  part  in  killing  deer. 

In  this  way  a  sort  of  amnesty  is  maintained  between  the  different  clans 
and  different  kinds  of  animals  while  the  blame  for  the  injury  of  animals  is 
shifted  from  one  clan  to  the  other.  General  use  could  consequently  be  made  of 
the  animal  kingdom  without  obliging  members  of  any  clan  to  be  the  direct 
murderers  of  their  animal  relatives. 

1  To  illustrate  this  I  might  add  that  several  times  young  men  who  were  asked  for  various 
terms  of  relationship  gave  the  indirect  or  combined  expressions  instead  of  the  actual  term. 
For  instance,  I  was  given  ditso  hdn'  hongdwa^ne,  'my  mother,  her  sister,'  instead  of 
ditso  hdnsi',"my  little  mother,'  'my  mother's  sister'  (9). 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YDCHI    INDIANS.  71 

In  common  usage  the  clan  is  known  collectively  by  its  animal  name :  the 
men  of  the  Panther  clan  calling  themselves  Panthers,  those  of  the  Fish  clan, 
Fish,  and  so  on  through  the  list.  The  totemic  animals  are  held  in  reverence, 
appealed  to  privately  in  various  exigencies,  and  publicly  worshipped  in  dances 
during  the  annual  ceremony  so  often  referred  to. 

The  idea  of  the  clan  or  totem  is  expressed  by  the  word  yu'ta,  'on  the  house.' 
The  Bear  clan,  for  instance,  is  designated  by  the  expression  sagty  yuta,  'bear  on 
the  house,'  or,  in  a  somewhat  different  manner,  by  the  expression  sag2e/tahat 
'  those  who  have  the  bear  on  them.'  By  these  etymologies,  the  inference  is  that 
in  former  times,  the  members  of  one  clan  resided  together  in  the  same  dwelling 
under  the  same  totem,  and  that  some  realistic  or  symbolic  sign  about  the  person 
distinguished  the  different  clansfolk  from  each  other.  It  should  be  recalled 
in  this  connection  that  the  tribal  totem,  the  sun,  was  painted  over  the 
doorway  of  the  Yuchi  house  and  that  the  men  wore  decorative  designs  in 
beadwork  which  indicated  their  affinity  to  the  sun.  Clan  totemic  designs 
may  have  been  displayed  in  a  like  manner. 

It  will  be  shown  later  on  that  the  young  man  or  boy  in  the  course  of  his 
adolescence  reaches  a  period  when  he  is  initiated  into  the  rank  of  manhood  in 
his  town.  This  event  is  connected  with  totemism.  For  from  the  time  of  his 
initiation  he  is  believed  to  have  acquired  the  protection  of  his  clan  totem. 
Thenceforth  he  stands  in  a  totemic  relation  similar  to  the  young  man  of  the 
plains  tribes  who  has  obtained  his  "medicine. "  Here  in  the  Southeast,  however, 
the  "medicine"  is  not  represented  by  a  concrete  object,  but  is  the  guiding  in- 
fluence of  a  supernatural  being.  The  earthly  animals  nevertheless  are  believed 
in  many  cases  to  possess  wisdom  which  may  be  useful  to  human  beings,  so  the 
different  clans  look  to  their  animal  relatives  for  aid  in  various  directions. 
Among  the  tribes  of  the  plains,  however,  each  man  has  an  individual  guardian 
spirit,  which  is  not  necessarily  the  same  as  his  gens  totem. 

From  several  informants  the  following  list  of  clans  has  been  collected,  but 
there  seems  to  be  some  doubt  about  those  which  are  marked  *  as  they  were  not 
generally  agreed  upon. 

1  Bear,  Sag8?'.  11  Otter,  Culant. 

2  Wolf,  Data.  12  Raccoon,  Dja'tien. 

3  Deer,  We*y±nf.  13  Skunk,  YusAnf. 

4  Tortoise,  Tdbsaf.  14  Opossum,  Wetsagou>An'. 

5  Panther,  WetcKAnf.  15  'Rabbit,  Cadjwant. 

6  Wildcat,  CadPant.  16  Squirrel,  Cdya. 

7  Fox,  Catient.  17  Turkey,  Wetc*A. 

8  Wind,  Godd.  18  Eagle*,  Cd'na. 

9  Fish,  Cu.  19  Buzzard*, 
10  Beaver,  Cagd™.  20  Snake*,  Ca. 


72  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

A  mythical  origin  is  ascribed  to  clans.  When  the  earth  was  completed, 
the  beings  upon  it  were  made  to  assemble  and  told  to  advance  to  a  certain 
distance.  Upon  their  return,  in  full  view  of  the  assembly,  some  would  ask, 
"What  does  he  look  like?"  Then  Goha 'ntone1 ',  a  supernatural  being,  gave 
them  names  according  to  the  nature  that  they  exhibited  in  their 
movements.  Those  who  jumped  on  trees  became  birds,  and  those  showing 
other  physical  peculiarities  became  various  animals,  thenceforth  the  ancestors 
of  clans.  This  account,  taken  from  the  Creek,  is  asserted  by  the  Indians  to 
be  identical  with  that  of  the  Yuchi.  Tribal  myths  relating  to  the  various 
exploits  of  animals  that  appear  in  the  clan  list  are  told  for  the  purpose  of 
praising  the  totem  and  showing  his  superiority  over  the  other  totems.  Into 
this  class  some  negro  myth  elements,  and  perhaps  whole  animal  tales,  may 
have  become  incorporated,  since  each  clan  welcomes  praiseworthy  stories  of 
its  totem's  exploits  and  is  ready  to  repeat  such  tales  as  though  they  were  of 
native  origin.  Most  Indians,  however,  distinguish  between  what  is  original 
and  what  is  borrowed. 

The  social  rank  of  these  clans  is  not  equal  throughout.  Four  at  least  are 
classed  above  the  others,  and  from  one  of  them  the  town  chief  is  chosen. 
Others,  given  at  the  foot  of  the  list  are  rather  looked  down  upon  and  seldom 
if  ever  represented  in  official  positions. 

The  town  chief  of  the  Yuchi,  the  four  head  chiefs  of  the  ceremonies,  and  the 
medicine  priest,  must  be  chosen  from  either  the  Bear,  Wolf,  Tortoise  or  Deer 
clans.  There  is  some  attempt  made  to  have  two  of  the  four  ceremonial  chiefs 
from  two  different  clans.  At  the  last  celebration  of  the  ceremonies  two  were 
from  the  Bear  clan  and  two  from  the  Wolf,  the  town  chief  himself  being  a 
Bear.  The  neighboring  Creek  towns  are  likewise  headed  by  a  member  of  the 
leading  clan  in  each  town.  The  modern  explanation  given  for  this  hegemony 
is  that  the  head  clan  is  the  most  numerous  and  most  powerful  in  the  town, 
but  the  real  explanation,  as  in  all  such  cases,  is  probably  a  very  different  one, 
although  we  have  no  means  of  knowing  what  it  is.  The  next  to  the  highest 
official  at  the  ceremonies,  the  gocone,  who  represents  the  Warrior  society,  is 
usually  taken  from  the  Panther  clan. 

No  particular  insignia  is  found  to  distinguish  the  different  clans  from  one 
another.  There  are,  furthermore,  no  esoteric  clan  ceremonies  among  the  Yuchi, 
all  clan  religious  worship  being  held  in  common  by  the  town  at  the  annual 
festival.  Dances  are  likewise  performed  by  the  townsmen  irrespective  of 
their  clan,  the  dances  being  for  the  honor  and  propitiation  of  the  clan  totem 
for  whom  the  dance  is  named.  It  would  appear  from  this  that  the  clan 
organizations  and  clan  religious  rites  have  become  subordinated  to  the  town 
organization  in  the  course  of  time.  Direct  historical  evidence  for  such 
a  supposition,  however,  is  wanting,  except  for  the  fact  that  in  their  old 
home  the  Yuchi  are  reported  to  have  lived  in  clan  communities  more 
centralized  than  we  find  them  now. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  73 

No  clan  groups  or  phratries  are  recognized  at  the  present  time,  nor  are  clans 
subdivided.  There  are,  besides,  no  historical  evidences  of  convergence.  From 
the  beginning  clans  are  believed  to  have  remained  separate  and  distinct  and 
must  continue  so.  In  regard  to  the  antiquity  of  the  present  clan  system  it 
appears  that  no  historical  changes  have  taken  place,  except  where  occasional 
extinction  may  have  occurred. 

One  fact  should,  however,  be  mentioned,  at  least  in  connection  with  a 
possible  clan  grouping  in  some  former  period.  Reference  is  made,  in  a  myth 
to  a  time  when  the  tribe  was  holding  a  dance.  The  people  were  divided 
into  two  bands,  those  dancing  with  bear  hides  over  the  shoulders  and 
known  as  the  Bear-hide  people,  sag8  e  hhntcwd,  and  those  dancing  with  wildcat 
skins,  the  Wildcat-hide  people,  catlene'  h&ntcwd.  A  dispute  arose  amongst 
them  and  the  two  groups  separated.  The  Bear-hide  people  departed  westward 
and  were  never  heard  from  again.  Those  that  remain  today  are  all  Wildcat 
people.  What  the  historical  significance  of  this  myth  or  tradition  may  be  it 
is  unsafe  to  say.  The  important  restriction  of  exogamy  which  holds  for  all 
the  clans  equally,  will  be  described  under  marriage. 

Until  recently  the  blood-feud  prevailed,  but  reprieve  was  granted  to  an 
offender  who  was  able  to  get  inside  the  public-square  ground  during  the 
annual  ceremonies  without  being  apprehended.  Maintenance  of  clan  honor 
and  reverence  for  their  totem  were  exacted  of  all  people,  because  the 
displeasure  of  the  totem  was  feared.  As  the  taboo  of  taking  the  life  or 
eating  the  flesh  of  the  totemic  animal  rested  upon  all,  should  the  taboo  be 
broken,  propitiation  had  to  be  made  in  the  nature  of  a  fine,  which  was  paid 
to  the  clan,  either  in  live  stock  or  property,  else  the  offender  was  punished  by 
a  whipping. 

Upon  the  death  of  a  man  the  ordinary  property  of  the  household  which 
properly  belonged  to  him  is  divided  among  his  own  and  his  sister's  children 
who  are  naturally  of  his  clan.  All  of  the  personal  property  of  a  woman 
descends  to  her  cMldren.  If  she  has  none,  it  goes  to  her  nearest  clan  relatives. 

CRIMES    AND    PUNISHMENTS. 

Before  becoming  subject  to  our  laws  the  Yuchi  had  their  own 
regulations  in  regard  to  crime.  Punishments  were  not  inflicted  by  any 
organized  body,  but  it  was  understood  that  whoever  discovered  the  wrong, 
or  whoever  caught  the  wrongdoer,  had  the  privilege  of  giving  the  punishment, 
The  clan  as  a  body  was  often  the  agent. 

Murder  was  considered  the  greatest  wrong.  The  clan  of  the  victim  usually 
hunted  down  the  culprit  and  took  vengeance  upon  him.  Sometimes,  however, 
only  the  immediate  family  was  concerned.  When  the  murderer  was  found  he 
was  killed  as  nearly  as  possible  in  the  same  way  that  he  had  committed  the 


74  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

murder.  If  the  murderer  had  used  a  knife  on  the  victim,  then  he  was  executed 
with  a  knife,  the  same  one  if  possible.  If  he  had  used  a  rifle  then  he  was  shot 
in  the  same  xvay  that  he  had  done  the  deed.  No  vengeance,  however,  was  under- 
taken by  the  clan  of  a  murderer  for  his  death.  There  was  only  one  way  for  a 
man  who  was  outlawed  for  a  misdemeanor  to  be  forgiven,  and  that  was  for  him 
to  hide  away  until  the  next  harvest  ceremony  and  then  try  to  get  safely  inside 
the  town  square  during  the  event.  If  he  succeeded  in  this  he  was  not  molested 
and  was  thereafter  exempt  from  vengeance. 

Adultery  and  fornication  were  the  next  most  serious  offences.  The  hus- 
band or  his  family  were  the  agents  of  punishment  in  this  case,  although  anyone 
discovering  the  parties  in  the  act  had  the  right  to  inflict  mutilation.  Fornica- 
tors  and  adulterers  when  caught  were  invariably  punished  by  having  their 
ears  cut  off.  The  man  and  the  woman  were  both  treated  in  this  way. 

Thieving  was  a  minor  offence  and  the  matter  was  usually  settled  without 
much  of  a  disturbance,  the  property  being  returned  or  an  equivalent  rendered. 

Personal  injury  was  revenged  by  personal  retaliation.  Sometimes,  how- 
ever, the  victim's  clan  would  help  him  to  retaliate. 

It  would  also  happen  that  sometimes  families,  or  a  few  townspeople,  would 
band  together  to  rid  the  community  of  an  undesirable  member,  or  to  inflict 
chastisement  on  some  intolerable  mischief  maker.  For  instance,  it  often 
happened  that  young  women  who  were  pestered  too  much  by  some  man 
would  conspire  together,  waylay  him  and  abuse  him  until  they  thought  he 
had  enough  of  a  lesson.  Not  infrequently  men  of  this  sort  were  very 
seriously  mutilated  by  enraged  and  vindictive  women.  A  case  is  remembered 
where  a  woman  cut  off  the  private  parts  of  a  man  who  had  forced  her  into 
cohabitation. 

THE  SOCIETIES. 

Another  social  grouping  entirely  separata  and  distinct  from  the  clan  system 
exists  among  the  Yuchi.  Its  members  are  not  necessarily  considered  as  kin, 
but  represent  two  divisions  of  the  tribe  which  include  the  entire  male  popula- 
tion. Every  male  child  is  born  into  one  of  these  two  divisions  and  counts  his 
eligibility  to  membership  through  his  father.  The  two  divisions  are  the  Chief 
society  and  the  Warrior  society,  respectively,  balen  and  sanbd.  Inherited 
membership  in  these  societies  is  as  rigid  as  it  is  in  the  clan,  alienation 
being  impossible.  Certain  rights  belong  to  these  societies,  which  will 
be  described  in  separate  paragraphs.  But  perhaps  the  chief  idea  con- 
cerned with  them  is  that  the  Chief  society  is  a  peace  band,  and  the 
Warrior  society  is  a  war  band.  Tribal  subdivisions  based  on  the 
same  functional  idea  are  characteristic  of  several  other  southern  tribes, 
among  whom  may  be  mentioned  the  Creeks,  and  the  Osage.  Un- 
doubtedly, when  more  is  known,  other  tribes  will  be  found  to  have  similar 


F.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  75 

institutions.  The  Sauk,  for  instance,  have  something  apparently  quite 
similar.1 

1  As  so  little  on  the  subject  of  the  social  subdivisions  among  the  southern  and  south- 
eastern tribes  has  appeared  in  print,  it  seems  advisable  to  present  here  what  little  is  avail- 
able for  comparison. 

The  Creek  tribes  in  general  recognized  the  difference  in  function  between  two  classes 
of  men  in  some  of  which  membership  was  elective.  These  were  the  Chiefs  and  the  Warriors, 
the  former  less  numerous  but  more  influential  in  some  towns,  the  latter  having  the  political 
control  in  other  towns  In  Taskic;i  town,  for  example,  the  highest  permanent  authority 
was  a  Chief  instead  of  a  Warrior,  on  account  of  which  the  town  was  classed  as  a  white  or 
peace  town.  Facial  painting  among  the  Taskigi  had  for  its  object  the  designation  of  the 
two  divisions.  (Cf.  Creek  Indians  of  Taskigi  town,  pp.  Ill,  114.) 

Among  the  Chickasaw  all  the  clans  are  grouped  into  two  divisions  which,  in  sentiment, 
are  manifestly  ill-disposed  to  each  other,  reciprocally  attributing  sickness  to  each  other, 
holding  separate  ceremonies,  having  separate  officers,  a  separate  camping  place,  and  wearing 
different  facial  painting.  Here,  too,  one  group  is  held  in  higher  esteem,  the  other  being 
considered  inferior.  (Cf.  Notes  on  Chickasaw  Ethnology,  Journal  American  Folk-Lore, 
Vol.  XX,  p.  51). 

The  Osage  gentes  are  grouped  together  in  two  divisions,  politically  opposite  in  func- 
tion. Tht  one  is  for  war,  the  other  for  peace,  each  having  its  own  camping  place,  personal 
marks,  officers  and  local  interests.  (Cf.  Siouan  Sociology,  Fifteenth  Report  Bureau 
American  Ethnology,  1893-94,  and  Notes  on  the  Ethnology  of  the  Osage  Indians,  Trans- 
actions of  the  Department  of  Archeology,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Vol.  II,  part  2, 
p.  166-7). 

"The  warriors  of  the  Saukie  nation  are  divided  into  two  bands  or  parties,  one  of  which 

is  called  Kishkoquis,  or  the  '  Long  Hairs,'  and  the  other  Oshkush,  the  brave The 

Kishkoquis,  or  '  Long  Hairs,'  are  commanded  by  the  hereditary  war  chief  Keokuk,  whose 

standard  is  red;  the  head  man  of  the  Oshkushies  is  Kaipolequa whose  standard  is 

blue.  The  'Long  Hairs'  take  precedence  in  point  of  rank.  The  formation  of  these  parties 
is  a  matter  of  national  concern,  and  is  effected  by  a.  simple  arrangement.  The  first  male 
child  who  is  born  to  a  Kishkoquis  is  marked  with  white  paint,  the  distinguishing  color  of 
the  Kishkoquis,  and  belongs  to  that  party;  the  next  male  of  the  same  family  is  marked  with 
black  paint,  and  is  attached  to  the  Oshkushies,  and  so  on  alternately,  the  first  son  belong- 
ing to  the  band  with  his  father,  and  the  others  being  assigned  in  turn  first  to  one  band,  and 
then  to  the  other.  Thus  all  the  warriors  are  attached  to  one  or  the  other  band,  and  the 
division  is  as  nearly  equal  as  it  could  be  by  any  arrangement  commencing  with  infancy. 

"Whenever  the  whole  nation  or  any  large  party  of  warriors  turns  out  to  engage  in  a 
grand  hunt,  or  a  warlike  expedition,  or  for  the  purpose  of  performing  sham  battles,  or  ball 
plays,  the  individuals  belonging  to  the  two  bands  are  distinguished  by  their  appropriate 
colors.  If  the  purpose  of  the  assemblage  is  for  sham  fighting,  or  other  diversion,  the  Kish- 
koquis daub  their  bodies  all  over  with  white  clay,  and  the  Oshkushies  blacken  themselves 
with  charcoal;  the  bands  are  ranged  under  their  respective  leaders  and  play  against  each 
other  rallying  under  the  red  and  blue  banners.  In  war  and  in  hunting,  when  all  must  be 
ranged  on  one  side,  the  white  and  the  black  paints  are  mingled  with  other  colors,  so  that  the 

distinction  is  kept  up,  and  after  the  close  of  the  expedition the  trophies  of  each  band 

collectively  art  compared  and  the  deeds  of  each  repeated.  The  object  of  these  societies  will 
be  readily  seen.  They  form  a  part  of  the  simple  machinery  of  a  military  government. . . 

From  early  youth  each  individual  is  taught  to  feel  that the  honor  of  his  band  as 

well  as  his  own  is  concerned  in  his  success  or  failure " 

Cf.  McKenny  and  Hall,  History  of  the  Indian  Tribes  of  North  America,  etc.,  Phila- 
delphia, 1848,  vol.  I,  p.  117. 


76  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

The  Chief  society,  baien,  has  the  right  of  being  seated,  during  ceremonies,  in 
the  west  lodge  of  the  town  square,  and  from  its  ranks  are  chosen  the  highest 
public  officials.  Four  chiefs  occupy  the  front  of  the  lodge,  the  principal  or 
town  chief  being  of  their  number  and  their  head.  These  four  are  the  first  to 
come  forward  to  participate  in  the  ceremonial  events.  In  the  town  council  it  is 
a  Chief  who  must  light  the  pipe  and  start  it  around.  The  main  recognized 
function  of  the  Chief  society  is  to  manage  the  governmental  affairs  of  the  town 
so  that  peace  is  preserved.  They  are,  above  all,  conservative  in  everything.  If 
anything,  the  Chiefs  hold  themselves  above  the  Warriors  in  general  esteem. 
They  are  the  thinkers,  the  speakers,  the  dignified  superiors  of  the  town. 

Although  there  exists  no  strictly  regular  design  for  the  facial  decoration  of  a 
Chief,  yet  the  following  limitations  are  traditionally  observed.  Little  or  no 
black  is  used,  both  eyes  are  surrounded  with  red,  and  usually  on  each  cheek 
alternating  bars,  less  than  two  inches  long,  of  blue  and  yellow  are  laid  horizon- 
tally (PI.  X,  Fig.  5).  Frequently  three  small  blue  spots  are  placed  in  a  line 
between  the  corner  of  the  eye  and  the  temple  (Fig.  8).  Any  of  these 
markings  may  be  omitted  or  varied  to  suit  personal  fancy,  yet  the  character- 
istics are  prominently  retained.  The  young  child  members  of  the  Chief  society, 
who  have  not  yet  been  formally  initiated  to  the  band,  are  usually  decorated  with 
red  on  the  eyebrows,  cheeks  and  forehead  (Fig.  2).  It  is  asserted  that  this 
society  has  the  privilege  of  exercising  more  freedom  in  the  use  of  various 
colors  than  the  Warrior  society. 

The  Warrior  society,  sanbd,  has  four  representatives,  who  are  seated  two  in 
the  north  lodge  and  two  in  the  south  lodge,  during  the  ceremonies.  One  of  their 
number  is  head,  and  is  called  gocone.  He  is  the  highest  in  rank  of  the 
Warrior  society  his  special  office  during  the  ceremonies  being  to  insure  con- 
tinuous dancing,  to  take  care  of  the  fire  while  dancing  is  going  on,  and 
to  appoint  players  in  the  ball  game.  The  Warrior  society  forms  one  side  in 
the  ball  game ;  they  are  known  as  mean  players,  while  their  opponents,  being 
of  the  other  society,  display  a  more  dignified  demeanor.  The  four  Warriors 
are  second  to  the  Chiefs  and  follow  them  when  the  emetic  is  taken.  This 
society  also  supplies  the  official  who  performs  the  scratching  operation  at  the 
ceremonies.  In  the  council  and  at  the  ceremonies  the  common  members  of 
the  Warrior  society  are  seated  in  the  north  and  south  lodges,  ranged  behind 
their  representatives.  Their  tendency  in  political  affairs  was  formerly,  to 
advocate  the  appeal  to  arms.  When  war  was  decided  upon,  the  Warriors 
embarked  in  a  body  under  their  heael  man,  who  might  accordingly  be  called 
a  sort  of  war  chief. 

The  characteristic  pattern  of  this  society  is  to  have  one  half  of  the  face  red, 
the  other  black,  (PI.  X,  Fig.  7).  A  variation  of  this  pattern,  said  to  be  a  simpli- 
fication, is  to  paint  only  one  eye  socket  black  and  the  other  red.  Accompanying 
this  modification  the  upper  lip  is  often  blackened  (Fig.  3). 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YDCHI    INDIANS.  77 

Exceptions  to  the  above  formulae  in  facial  decoration  are  quite  frequent 
and  unexplainable.  At  the  1905  ceremonies  one  occupant  of  the  Warrior  lodge 
had  merely  a  red  line  drawn  from  the  corners  of  the  mouth  to  the  angle  of  the 
jawbone  (PI.  X,  Fig.  1).  Both  in  1904  and  1905  the  Yuchi  town  chief  wore  no 
paint  whatever,  neither  did  the  functionary  who  performed  the  scratching 
operation.  Chiefs  have  been  observed  at  other  times  with  red  blotches  or  two 
or  three  red  bars  on  the  cheeks  (Fig.  6) . 

If  anything,  something  of  a  hostile  feeling  is  manifested  and  felt 
between  the  two  societies.  This  is  allowed  to  break  out  in  a  mild  way,  upon 
the  occasion  of  the  ball  game,  where,  as  before  stated,  the  two  societies  make  up 
opposite  sides.  Jealousy  on  the  part  of  the  Warriors  may  be  at  the  bottom 
of  this.  The  inheritance  of  property  partially  follows  the  paternal  line, 
thereby  keeping  within  each  society  much  of  the  property  of  its  members. 
At  his  death  each  male  among  the  Yuchi  is  painted  with  the  design  ap- 
propriate to  his  society,  and  slight  differences  in  mortuary  observances  are 
supposed  to  exist.  A  mythical  origin  is  ascribed  to  the  societies.  A  super- 
natural being,  Gohdntone,  is  believed  to  have  been  their  originator,  as 
was  stated  by  those  who  claimed  to  know  anything  at  all  on  the  subject. 

In  general,  it  may  be  added  that  at  the  annual  ceremony  the  office  of  the 
Chief  society  is  to  care  for  the  medicine  plants  and  their  administration,  while 
the  Warrior  society  presides  over  dancing  and  games,  each  society  being  rep- 
resented in  the  field  of  ceremonial  action  by  the  four  members  with  special 
privileges.  In  all  affairs,  however,  the  Chief  society  takes  precedence. 

From  all  appearances  men  of  the  Chief  class  prefer  to  have  their  daughters 
marry  Chiefs  rather  than  Warriors  for  the  sake  of  maintaining  the  social  superi- 
ority of  their  line.  There  is,  though,  no  strict  rule  about  this.  If  the  tendency 
toward  endogamy  were  carried  much  further  in  the  societies,  they  might  be 
described  as  non-totemic  gentes,  in  the  restricted  American  sense  of  the  term, 
and  we  should  have  an  instance  here  of  both  a  clan  and  a  gentile  system  flourish- 
ing in  the  same  tribe. 

When  the  whole  matter  is  considered  as  it  stands  among  the  Yuchi  today, 
it  seems,  if  anything,  that  the  society  organization  has  a  more  prominent 
place  in  the  social  life  of  the  town  than  the  clan  organization.  Whereas  the 
position  of  town  chief  is  kept  in  the  hands  of  a  certain  clan  and  many  of  the 
ceremonial  dances  are  supposed  to  have  been  formerly  more  in  the  nature  of 
clan  dances,  we  find,  nevertheless,  that  military,  religious  and  most  political 
officers  are  chosen  according  to  their  society.  As  for  military  and  most  political 
matters  of  the  town  they  are  quite  evidently  more  the  concerns  of  the  societies 
than  of  the  clans. 

As  nothing  definite  regarding  the  actual  history  of  the  society  organization 
can  be  stated,  it  can  only  be  said  that  the  two  social  groups  exist  side  by  side, 
having  the  tribal  honors  and  privileges  fairly  equally  divided  between  them. 


78  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    I. 

In  a  general  way  there  appear  to  be  some  points  of  resemblance  between  these 
divisions  and  the  ceremonial  and  military  societies  of  the  plains.  The  simple 
inheritance  of  the  society  privileges,  which  characterizes  the  Southeast,  offers  a 
contrast  in  some  respects  to  the  custom  as  we  find  it  in  other  regions.  In  some 
tribes  of  the  plains  heraldic  and  society  rights  invested  in  sacred  bundles  are 
transmitted  by  sale  and  purchase,  while  among  the  Kwakiutl,  whose  social 
organization  has  been  thoroughly  studied,  and  so  serves  well  for  purposes  of 
comparison,  the  rights  to  ceremonies  and  heraldry  are  acquired  by  marriage. 

To  a  certain  extent,  bearing  in  mind  the  feeling  of  superiority  on  the  part 
of  the  Chiefs,  and  their  position  in  the  town,  the  two  Yuchi  society  groups 
remind  one  of  the  social  castes  of  the  Natchez,  if  we  rightly  interpret  the  nature 
of  the  latter  from  historical  records. 

THE  TOWN  AND  TOWN  SQUARE. 

We  now  come  to  the  consideration  of  the  town.  This  is  the  ruling  institu- 
tion in  the  life  of  the  Yuchi,  the  same  holding  true  for  most  of  the  other  south- 
eastern tribes.  It  has  superseded  in  political  importance  the  other  social  group- 
ings, and,  as  far  as  any  governmental  activities  are  carried  on  at  all,  they  too 
are  the  affairs  of  the  town.  The  societies  are  represented  by  officers  in  town 
gatherings,  while  some  of  the  clans  have  assumed  the  right  to  fill  the  highest 
town  office,  as  we  have  seen  before.  The  town  is  extremely  democratic,  how- 
ever, as  all  of  the  men  are  expected  to  be  present  at  its  meetings,  having 
the  equal  right  to  express  opinions  upon  public  matters  which  may  be  up  for 
debate  and  to  acclaim  their  vote  for  or  against  candidates  for  the  town  offices. 
The  ritualistic  and  ceremonial  life  of  the  community  is  also  a  matter  of  town 
interest.  The  chief  religious  rites  take  place  once  a  year  publicly  in  the 
town  square.  Here  again  every  male  is  a  common  participant  in  the  events 
that  take  place,  and  the  leaders  of  the  minor  social  groups  become  for  the  time 
the  ceremonial  officials  as  well.  Besides  these  officials,  with  double  functions 
as  it  were,  there  are  several  others  who  do  not  seem  to  have  any  special  con- 
cern with  clan  or  society,  but  who  have  to  do  chiefly  with  the  town  when  it  is 
assembled  either  on  religious  or  political  occasions. 

The  Yuchi  town,  consisting  of  families,  clans,  and  societies,  forms  by  itself 
an  independent  social  group,  as  has  been  shown.  The  identity,  politically 
speaking,  between  the  terms  town  and  tribe  has  also  been  mentioned.  There 
are  three  such  towns  recognized  today,  one  of  them  less  important  than 
the  others:  Polecat,  Sand  Creek,  and  Big  Pond,  the  last  being  the  least. 
The  town  comprises  an  area  of  settlement  having  a  common  public  ceremonial 
and  council  square-ground.  It  has  a  chief  representative,  who  is  called 
'bdlen,'  the  chief  religious  official  as  well.  He  was  also  the  representative 
of  his  town  in  the  Creek  House  of  Kings.  Two  towns,  Polecat  and  Sand 
Creek,  perform  an  annual  ceremony  at  which  the  presence  of  all  townsmen  is 


F.   G.   SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YDCHI   INDIANS.  79 

required,  under  penalty  of  a  fine  "which  is  paid  to  the  four  principal  chiefs 
and  used  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  attendant  feast.1 

Membership  in  the  town  is  decided  entirely  by  birth.  But  "with  proper 
recognition  a  stranger  who  marries  a  Yuchi  woman  may  become  a  member  by 
being  initiated  at  the  annual  ceremonies.  Initiation  merely  consists  in  under- 
going the  ceremonial  operations  with  the  men  of  the  town.  The  town  has  the 
power  to  make  peace  or  war.  Redress  for  individual  wrongs  inflicted  by  aliens 
is  demanded  by  the  town,  and  the  town, furthermore,  must  be  party  to  all  under- 
takings or  stipulations  with  foreigners. 

In  taking  a  view  of  the  old  town  idea  and  the  later  developed  Creek  Con- 
federacy, let  us  consider  the  condition  of  the  Yuchi  in  their  original  seats,  in 
the  east.  There  they  lived  in  scattered  communities,  each  having  a  public 
town  square  and  town  ceremony  just  as  today.  Representatives  were  chosen 
to  appear  at  the  tribal  gatherings  which  occurred  once  a  year  when  all  the  settle- 
ments or  villages  were  assembled.  With  the  inroads  of  the  unorganized  Mus- 
kogi  from  the  west,  and  their  incorporation  of  the  indigenous  southeastern 
stocks,  it  would  be  very  natural  for  them  to  seize  upon  a  town  system  which 
was  found  on  the  soil,  well  fitted  to  their  mode  of  life  and  adaptable  to  a 
loose  protective  confederacy.  The  loose  confederacy  then,  when  the 
Muskogi  had  completed  their  conquest  of  the  natives  and  become  properly 
organized,  appeared  as  nothing  more  than  an  improved  and  extended  type 
of  the  town  system  in  vogue  among  themselves  and  the  Yuchi. 

THE  TOWN  SQUARE. — The  center  of  the  town  is  a  square  plot  of  ground 
kept  free  from  vegetation  and  trampled  down  smooth  and  hard  all  over.  This 
plot  is  known  as  the  rainbow,  or  big  house,  yifia'.  Its  four  sides  face  north, 
east,  south  and  west  respectively.  Here  is  the  sacred  ground  of  the  town 
where  civil  and  ceremonial  events  take  place.  The  square,  moreover,  is  the 
town  itself  in  sentiment.  It  is  located  near  water,  and  at  a  point  con- 
venient to  the  townsfolk.  Its  sides  are  about  75  feet  in  extent.  Three 
lodges  constructed  of  upright  posts  roofed  with  brush,  open  on  all  sides,  stand 
on  its  borders,  one  on  the  north,  one  on  the  west  and  one  on  the  south  side 
of  the  square.  In  the  center  of  the  square  is  a  spot  where  the  fire  is  kept 
burning  during  night  gatherings.  Some  idea  of  the  general  appearance  of 
the  town  square  and  the  lodges  can  be  obtained  from  the  photographs 
illustrating  the  different  stages  of  the  ceremonies  (Plates  XII-XIV) .  The  archi- 
tecture of  the  lodges  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  dwellings  figured  before.  It 
is  commonly  reported,  however,  that  some  generations  ago  the  lodges  on 
the  square-ground  were  quite  different  from  those  of  today.  They  were 

1  In  the  1905  ceremonies,  the  gocont,  through  intoxication,  was  unable  to  undergo  the 
scratching  operation.  For  this,  he  and  several  others  were  each  fined  $2.50  by  the  chiefs. 
If  money  is  not  forthcoming  the  equivalent  in  stock  or  property  is  exacted. 


80 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    I. 


without  roofs,  being  merely  four  tiers  of  logs  intended  for  seats.  These 
were  graded  in  elevation  so  as  to  afford  all  the  audience  an  unobstructed  view 
of  the  square.  The  front  and  lowest  seat  consisted  simply  of  a  log  resting 


07 
08 


PUBLIC    SQUARE   GROUNU 


NORTH 


Fig.  33.      Diagram  of  Yuchi  Town  Square,  showing  seating  of  officials  in  council. 


A.    Chief 
Society 
Lodge 


B.     Warrior 
Society 
Lodge 

X.  Fire  Place. 


1.  Town  Chief,  Bear  Clan. 

2.  Assistant,       Wolf  Clan. 

3.  Chief,  Wolf  Clan. 

4.  Chief,  Bear  Clan. 

(  5.  Scratching  Official, 
)  6.  Warrior  Official, 
j  7.  (Master  of  Cermonies) 
'  8.  Warrior  Official, 


Bear  Clan. 

Gocone,  Panther  Clan. 
Bear  Clan. 


upon    the   ground.     The   second    was    several   feet    higher,    supported   by 
crotched  or  forked  posts.     The  third  was  still  higher,  and  the  last  bank  of 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE    YUCHI   INDIANS.  81 

seats  was  some  feet  above  the  ground,  enabling  those  sitting  there  to  see  over 
the  heads  of  the  spectators  in  front. 

A  diagram  of  the  town  square  showing  the  seating  arrangement  for  the  in- 
habitants and  for  the  different  groups  and  officials  is  given  in  Fig.  33.  It  should 
be  added  that  the  ordinary  members  of  the  Chief  society  are  ranged  on  log  seats 
behind  their  leaders  1,  2,  3,  4  in  the  west  lodge  A.  The  other  two  lodges, 
B,  are  for  the  Warriors  whose  leaders  are  seated  at  5,  6,  7,  and  8.  The 
clans  of  the  various  officials  are  given  with  the  explanation  of  the  figure,  to 
show  how  these  are  represented  among  the  leaders  at  the  time  of  this 
writing.  No  particular  arrangement  in  the  location  of  different  clans  and 
societies  about  the  square  seems  to  have  been  thought  of.  Aliens  and 
strangers  are  allowed  on  the  square-ground  at  all  times  except  during  the 
second  day  of  the  annual  ceremony. 

Only  the  political  aspect  of  the  town  square  has  been  thus  far  dealt  with. 
Its  religious  aspect,  however,  is  even  of  greater  importance  It  has 
already  been  said  that  the  square-ground  symbolizes  the  rainbow.  In  this 
sense  it  represents  the  rainbow  as  the  town  square  of  the  supernatural  beings, 
the  idea  having  been  brought  to  earth,  with  instructions  to  perpetuate  it,  by 
the  tribal  deity,  the  Sun.  In  emulation  of  the  supernatural  beings  who  were 
holding  a  meeting  upon  the  rainbow  in  the  world  above  when  the  Sun  himself 
was  borri,  the  earthly  people  now  congregate  upon  the  earthly  rainbow-shrine 
for  their  communal  events.  At  the  tune  of  the  annual  ceremonies  the  square- 
ground  is  decorated  in  places  with  colored  material,  ashes,  paint  and  vegeta- 
tion to  carry  out  the  symbolism,  the  place  becoming,  for  the  time,  a  great 
religious  emblem.  As  this,  however,  is  more  closely  connected  with  religion 
than  with  the  present  heading,  the  description  of  the  square  as  a  tribal  shrine 
is  reserved  for  another  place. 

TOWN  OFFICIALS  AND  COUNCIL. 

TOWN  OFFICIALS. — The  following  deals  with  various  town  officials  and 
their  functions,  as  far  could  be  learned.  The  officers  are  given  in  the  list 
in  the  order  of  their  rank. 

Bdlen  gabidane. — A  tribal  chief  having  this  title  is  chosen  for  life  to 
represent  the  tribe  in  the  Creek  confederacy  councils. 

BalenKa'. — This  is  a  town  chief  elected  from  the  Bear  clan  as  the  civil 
and  religious  head.  He  must  be  of  Chief  class.  A  worthy  clansman  of  his  is 
chosen  to  assist  him  and  to  inherit  his  place.  This  man,  too,  has  an  important 
place  in  the  ceremonies  and  is  called  also  bdlen. 

Bdlen. — Three  Chiefs  having  this  title  comprise  the  town  chief's  staff. 

GoconG. — This  is  a  master  of  ceremonies  from  the  Panther  clan  and  repre- 
sents the  highest  official  of  the  Warrior  society.  He  is  the  treasurer,  so  to 
speak,  of  the  town  and  possesses  the  power  of  a  kind  of  policeman.  He  is 


82  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    I. 

the  master  of  dances  and  the  fire  guardian  at  the  night  ceremonies.  His  duties 
cease  at  the  beginning  of  the  ball  game  which  concludes  the  annual  ceremony. 

Gocone  or  Sdnbd. — Three  other  Warriors  comprises  the  staff  of  the  preced- 
ing officer,  being  called  also  gocone.  They,  with  the  master-of-ceremonies, 
form  a  sort  of  Warrior  committee.  >.. 

All  of  these  officers  are  both  the  civil  and  religious  functionaries  upon 
ceremonial  occasions.  The  qualifier  yusahe,  'square  ground,'  is  prefixed  to 
their  titles,  as  in  yusaho'balen. 

The  following  few  officers  seem  to  have  had  occasion  for  employment  only 
at  the  annual  ceremonies,  in  the  various  capacities  mentioned. 

YdtcigV . — Four  young  men  about  to  be  initiated  were  given  their  first 
official  duties  under  leadership  of  one  of  their  number.  They  were  the  actual 
police  of  the  public  square,  their  badges  of  office  being  staffs  about  seven  feet 
long.  They  had  to  keep  women  and  dogs  from  the  square  and  to  prevent  men 
from  sleeping  or  leaning  against  posts  during  ceremonies.  They  handled  the 
sacred  fire  materials  and  procured  and  prepared  the  emetic.  They  will  be 
mentioned  again  later.  This  town  square  ceremonial  service  was  really  the 
culmination  of  their  initiation  period,  and  the  young  men  entered  into  full 
tribal  manhood  after  it  was  over. 

Gondlne  or  Yatsd. — The  scratcher,  one  of  the  four  gocone,  was  chosen  from 
the  Warrior  society  to  perform  the  ceremonial  scratching  operation  upon  the  men. 

Ka'kd,  'white  man.' — Two  butchers  had  entire  charge  of  the  feast  prepara- 
tions at  the  ceremony.  Their  insignia  were  also  staffs.  They  were  also  the 
heralds  for  the  town  at  this  time. 

All  of  these  offices  are  given  by  simple  election  or  appointment  in  council 
in  the  public  square,  and  are  held  for  life  unless  deposition  is  warranted 
on  grounds  of  inefficiency  or  for  some  other  good  reason.  The  yatcigl',  however, 
leave  their  office  when  they  marry  and  other  boys  take  their  places. 

THE  COUNCIL. — The  Yuchi  council  is  the  town  assembly  under  the 
charge  of  the  officials.  It  is  held  in  the  public  square  at  intervals  appointed 
by  the  town  chief,  as  a  rule  lasting  all  day.  Every  townsman  is  expected  to  be 
present  and  seated  in  either  the  Chief  lodge  or  the  Warrior  lodges,  according 
to  his  society.  The  four  principal  chiefs  occupy  the  front  log  of  their  lodge 
and  the  four  'gocong',  two  in  each  opposite  Warrior  lodge,  are  seated  upon 
the  front  log  of  that  lodge.  The  town  chief  is  the  first  to  speak  announcing 
the  purpose  of  the  assembly.  From  the  fire,  which  is  started  in  the  usual 
place  in  the  center  of  the  square,  a  pipe  is  lighted  by  a  member  of  the  Chief 
society  and  passed  around.  After  due  deliberation  in  smoking  a  speech  can 
be  made  by  anyone  wishing  to  do  so.  It  is  usual,  however,  for  the  town 
chief  to  be  the  first  to  make  an  address.  He  rises  from  his  seat  and  states  the 
subject  under  consideration,  at  the  same  time  giving  words  of  advice  and  asking 
for  serious  thought  in  connection  with  the  matter.  Should  the  town  chief  for 


F.    G.   SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE  YUCHI   INDIANS.  83 

any  reason  not  wish  to  make  the  speech  himself,  he  can  dictate  it  to  an 
assistant,  \vho  will  commit  it  to  memory  and,  at  the  proper  time,  deliver  it  in 
public  as  though  he  were  the  town  chief  himself. 

In  tunes  of  the  election  of  officials,  speeches  are  made  by  the  supporters  of 
the  candidates,  or  those  opposing  them,  until  a  majority  is  reached  in  the  case 
of  each  candidate.  This  is  necessary  in  all  elections  to  office.  In  the  actual 
election  or  casting  of  ballots,  the  men  of  the  town  assemble  on  the  town  square 
in  a  long  line.  Then,  as  they  start  to  walk  toward  the  town  chief,  those  who 
are  in  favor  of  the  candidate  step  out  of  the  line  to  one  side.  A  man  of  the 
Warrior  society,  usually  the  gocone,  counts  them  and  reports  the  result  to  the 
town  chief,  who  concludes  with  a  speech  of  inauguration.  Councils  and 
elections  of  this  sort  are  usually  ended  by  night-time  and  the  towns  folk  then 
fall  to  dancing  in  the  square-ground  until  daybreak.  The  seating  in  the 
council  is  the  same  as  that  in  the  ceremonies.  The  decisions  of  the  body 
are  made  public  throughout  the  town  and  carried  into  effect  by  the  gocont. 
Two  Warriors  often  serve  as  heralds  during  council  meetings  and  during 
the  ceremonies.  These  are  the  ka'ka.  They  are  a  sort  of  police  as  well. 

The  Yuchi  tribe  has  a  head  chief  who  is  known  as  its  highest  representative. 
His  town,  the  Polecat  settlement,  is  now  the  center  of  religious  and  political 
activity. 

Every  individual  not  a  Yuchi  by  blood  is  held  as  an  inferior,  and  a  separate 
pronominal  gender  in  the  language  distinguishes  the  Yuchi  from  all  other  tribes 
and  races.  Nevertheless,  men  of  other  tribes  often  marry  Yuchi  women  and 
thenceforth  are  obliged,  under  penalty  of  a  fine,  to  take  part  in  tribal  activities. 
Such,  however,  are  not  often  elected  to  offices.  They  sit  in  the  Warrior  society 
lodges  in  the  square.  A  few  Creeks  and  Shawnees  are  thus  intermingled  with 
the  Yuchi.  As  a  part  of  the  Muskogi  confederacy,  the  Yuchi  tribe  occupied  an 
equal  place  with  the  various  other  tribes  and  stocks  that  composed  this  body. 
Officially  it  was  called  in  Creek,Yuchi  Town,  Yu'tsi  tdlwa,  and  sent  one  represen- 
tative to  the  Creek  House  of  Kings  and  four  (sometimes  called  Commissioners) 
to  the  House  of  Warriors  at  Muscogee,  I.  T.,  the  then  capital  of  the  Creek 
Nation.  Yuchi  Town  is  looked  upon  as  quite  an  important  one  in  the  confed- 
eracy, for  it. always  has  been  somewhat  aggressive. 

If  in  conclusion  we  interpret  the  social  conditions  correctly  it  would 
appear,  from  what  has  been  said,  that  certain  of  the  clans  had  established  their 
own  prominence  in  the  village  community,  made  up  different  totemic  groups, 
and  assumed  the  prerogative  of  filling  the  highest  governmental  office, 
namely  that  of  town  chief.  From  this  point  on,  we  may  venture  to  say,  the 
various  social  elements  of  the  town  obtained  representation  in  public 
offices  until  a  balance  of  power  was  reached  and  the  present  town  organiza- 
tion resulted. 


84  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 


WARFARE. 

The  military  was  only  a  moderately  developed  institution  with  the  Yuchi. 
As  far  as  we  are  able  to  judge,  the  training  of  young  men  for  the  war  path  was 
undertaken  as  a  means  of  defense,  rather  than  for  the  purpose  of  aggression. 
The  original  idea  was  apparently  to  maintain  the  political  unity  of  the  tribe, 
and  to  protect  its  territory  against  the  encroachments  of  foreigners.  The 
town  council,  consisting  of  the  chief  as  chairman  and  representatives  from  the 
Chief  and  Warrior  societies,  together  with  war  leaders  and  other  old  men  of 
integrity  and  experience,  exercised  the  privilege  of  declaring  war  against  an 
enemy,  calling  all  the  able-bodied  men  of  the  Warrior  class  into  action.  In 
such  a  case  the  town  was  said  to  "go  out"  and  the  movement  was  a  unanimous, 
tribal  one.  The  matter,  however,  would  be  debated  in  the  town  square  for 
some  time,  the  Warrior  society  usually  clamoring  for  action,  the  Chief  society 
bringing  to  bear  a  conservative  influence  on  the  debate. 

On  the  whole,  little  seems  to  be  known  of  the  military  history  of  this  tribe. 
Hawkins  states  that  Benjamin  Harrison  attacked  one  of  the  Yuchi  towns  and 
killed  sixteen  gun  men.  Historically  we  know  of  another  such  instance  during 
the  Creek  War,  1814,  when  the  Yuchi  joined  the  Creeks  in  an  effort  to  repulse 
General  Jackson  and  suffered,  in  consequence,  quite  serious  losses  at  the  hands  of 
the  troops.  They  as  a  tribe  no  doubt  supported  the  Creek  towns  at  other  times 
after  their  incorporation  into  the  Creek  Confederacy. 

There  was,  however,  nothing  to  prevent  the  gratification  of  individual 
inclinations  toward  making  up  parties  for  raiding  or  for  war  with  other  tribes. 
The  Yuchi,  like  typical  Indians,  often  proceeded  to  do  this.  Such  parties  often 
comprised  the  members  of  a  clan  who  were  bent  on  retaliation,  or  they  might  be 
made  up  of  restless,  violent  fellows  who  thirsted  for  excitement  or  plunder. 
In  such  a  project,  we  are  told,  the  town  itself  had  no  share  of  responsibil- 
ity and  often  manifested  openly  its  disapproval.  Neither  would  the  town 
acknowledge  the  blame  before  the  representatives  of  other  tribes  which  had 
been  assaulted  by  such  parties. 

For  warfare  the  Yuchi  used  the  same  kind  of  bows  and  arrows  as  for  hunt- 
ing. These  have  been  described.  In  addition,  a  club,  geg2ane  or  yaksa',  was 
carried.  A  sketch  of  one  of  these  is  given,  PL  IX,  Fig.  6,  as  it  was  remembered 
by  an  Indian.  Its  handle  was  of  wood  and  the  head  was  a  wooden  ball. 
A  string  of  feathers  ran  from  the  end  of  the  handle  to  the  head.  Axes 
with  stone,  and  later  with  iron  heads,  are  remembered  to  have  been  used. 
They  were  called  tcldV.  A  modification  of  the  iron  tomahawk,  tctd&yudPa', 
'tomahawk  pipe, '  was  much  in  vogue,  during  the  colonial  times,  among  the 


F.    G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  85 

Yuchi  as  among  most  of  the  eastern  tribes.  These,  of  course,  were  obtained 
from  white  traders.  Nothing,  however,  is  remembered  of  spears  or  shields. 

Before  going  into  action  the  warriors  were  careful  to  have  their  faces 
painted  with  the  design  appropriate  to  their  society  or  class.  A  head  covering 
or  helmet  was  made  of  leather  stiffened  and  rounded  on  top  to  deaden  the  im- 
pact of  a  club  or  arrow.  The  whole  affair  was  rather  low  and  dome-shaped  and 
was  colored  red,  symbolic  of  war. 

In  the  attack  an  attempt  would  often  be  made  to  take  captives.  These 
would  be  taken  to  the  town  and  burnt  at  the  stake  right  off  or  kept 
until  the  next  annual  ceremony.  Here,  then,  they  were  sacrificed  by  being 
burnt  in  the  southeast  corner  of  the  town  square  at  high  noon  of  the 
second  ceremonial  day,  as  an  offering  to  the  Sun.  The  shedding  of  human 
blood  upon  the  town  square  shrine  at  this  ceremonial  time  was,  as  we  shall  see 
later,  quite  an  important  rite. 

Scalps  were  taken  by  removing  the  whole  scalp,  the  hair  of  men  being 
dressed  to  form  one  entire  scalp  lock  covering  the  crown.  When  scalps  were 
brought  to  the  town,  they  were  stretched  on  hoops  and  carried  in  a  dance  at 
night,  by  the  women  relatives  of  those  who  took  them,  as  among  the  prairie 
tribes.  A  cry,  said  to  be  in  imitation  of  the  wolf,  was  given  by  a  warrior  when 
a  scalp  was  taken,  and  the  same  cry  is  nowadays  given  by  a  player  in  the  ball 
game  who  throws  a  goal.  This  is  called  the  'gobble-whoop/  as  it  ends  in  a  trem- 
ulous gobble  made  in  the  throat ;  a  very  popular  cry  among  all  the  southern 
tribes.  Before  going  to  war  the  town  would  perform  all  the  dances  and  many 
of  the  ceremonies  of  the  annual  ceremony,  to  propitiate  and  secure  the  favor  of 
the  clan  totems  and  other  beings.  This  performance  was  called  the  War  Dance 
in  the  common  parlance  of  the  Indians  and  white  men. 


86  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    I. 


GAMES. 

With  the  Yuchi,  all  games  have  a  strong  ceremonial  aspect.  They  are, 
most  of  them,  of  a  public  character,  taking  place  in  the  allotted  playground 
adjacent  to  the  public  square.  The  afternoon  of  the  second  day  of  the  an- 
nual festival  is  the  usual  time  for  playing  them  ceremonially.  Many  of  the 
games  are  accompanied  by  ritual,  more  especially  the  ball  game.  Stakes  are 
"wagered  in  nearly  all  games  by  both  players  and  spectators.  Like  most  Indian 
games  the  betting  is  a  very  important  item  of  consideration. 

The  first  to  call  for  description  is  the  ball  game  played  with  two  rackets 
and  known  quite  generally  among  the  tribes  of  the  Southeast.  A  number  of 
descriptions  of  the  game  as  played  by  various  tribes  are  available  and  offer  inter- 
esting material  for  comparison.1 

This  game  commands  more  interest  among  the  Yuchi  than  any  other,  and 
is  always  played  after  the  emetic  is  taken  and  the  feast  completed,  on  the  second 
day  of  the  annual  ceremony.  It  has  been,  however,  played  at  other  times 
of  the  year  by  different  parties  in  the  tribe  or  made  an  intertribal  or  inter- 
town  contest  for  the  purpose  of  betting.  The  Yuchi  have  frequently  played 
against  other  towns  of  the  Creek  Nation.  The  game  is  still  played  in  a 
modified  manner. 

A  rite,  called  the  Ball  Game  Dance,  is  performed  the  night  before, 
in  honor  of  the  sticks  which  are  used  in  the  game,  and  the  supernatural 
power  residing  in  them.  The  sticks  are  placed  on  a  scaffold,  usually  in  the  west 
lodge  of  the  square  ground,  with  a  line  of  women  standing  behind  it.  Men, 
including  the  players,  are  lined  up  on  the  opposite  side.  They  all  sing  and 
stamp  their  feet,  but  in  this  dance  the  loudest  singing  is  done  by  the  women  . 
Sometimes  the  sticks  are  painted  red  for  this  ceremony,  to  symbolize  their 
combative  function. 

As  many  players  as  wish  or  are  fitted  to  do  so  may  take  part  in  the  game, 
though  the  sides  must  be  evenly  matched.  On  this  occasion,  men  of 
the  Chief  class  form  one  side  and  Warriors  the  other.  The  latter  are  tradition- 
ally mean  players,  even  nowadays  resorting  to  foul  play  and  violence.  Each 
side  choses  a  chief  or  leader,  and  his  regalia  at  the  present  day  consists  of  a 

1 A  compilation  of  much  of  the  material  has  been  made  by  Culin  and  published. 
See  games  of  the  North  American  Indians,  in  Twenty-fourth  Annual  Report  of  Bureau 
American  Ethnology  (1902-1903),  p.  561,  et  seq. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE    YUCHI    INDIANS.  87 

cow's  tail  stained  red,  worn  sticking  out  from  the  back  of  the  belt,  or  a 
collar  of  red  cloth  having  a  number  of  blue  strips  hanging  from  it.  Common 
players  must  not  wear  foot  coverings  or  hats.  The  custom  now  is  to  have 
a  handkerchief  bound  around  the  head.  Formerly  no  clothing  save  the 
breechcloth  and  sash  or  cow's  tail  was  worn. 

Goals  consisting  of  two  uprights  and  a  cross  piece  are  erected  at  each  end  of 
a  level  stretch,  about  250  feet  apart.  The  course  of  the  ball  field  is  east  and 
west.  Each  goal  is  sacred  to  one  side,  and  various  means  are  attempted  to  bewitch 
that  of  the  opponents.  If  a  woman  with  child  can  be  made  to  encircle  the  goal  of 
the  opposite  side  it  will  cause  that  side  to  lose.  In  very  formal  games  certain 
taboos  of  actions  and  diet  were  enforced,  but  these  practices  are  now  obsolete. 

The  sticks  used  in  this  game  are  made  of  hickory.  Two  are  used  by  each 
player,  that  in  the  right  hand  often  being  longer  by  several  inches.  These  ball 
sticks,  dagancd  (PL  VI,  Fig.  2),  are  usually  about  three  feet  long,  of  heavy, 
well-seasoned  hickory  wood.  They  are  sometimes  circular,  sometimes 
polygonal  in  section.  The  scoop  to  catch  the  ball  in  is  formed  by  cutting 
about  one  foot  of  the  shaft  down  flat,  then  turning  and  bending  it  back 
upon  the  handle  end,  where  it  is  lashed  fast  in  several  places.  The  open 
scoop  is  then  netted  with  rawhide  or  deerskin,  one  thong  running 
lengthwise  across  the  open  and  another  crosswise.  In  some  particularly  good 
sticks  there  are  two  thongs  each  way.  Holes  through  the  rim  of  the  scoop 
are  made  for  fastening  the  thongs.  Some  variety  in  detail  is  found  hi 
different  specimens.  The  crosswise  thongs  are  twisted  up  tight,  so  as  to 
hold  fast  the  lengthwise  strand  which  passes  through  the  twist  perpen- 
dicularly. 

The  ball,  daganf,  is  made  of  buckskin  stuffed  with  deer  hair  and  contains  a 
conjured  object  in  the  center.  It  is  about  two  and  one-half  inches  in  diameter, 
the  cover  consisting  of  two  round  pieces  of  soft  deerskin  sewed  together  all 
around  their  edges.  A  specimen  ball,  when  opened,  proved  to  contain  a 
core  of  red  cloth  which  was  itself  sewed  up  in  the  form  of  a  ball.  The 
large  ball,  dagdnsd,  used  in  the  football  and  handball  game,  is  six  inches 
in  diameter  and  much  softer  than  the  small  one.  Several  auxiliary  lines  of 
stitching  are  put  on  the  opposite  sides  of  the  joining  seam  to  take  up 
whatever  slack  might  result  from  violent  usage. 

The  other  tribes  using  two  sticks  in  this  game,  in  contrast  to  the  one-stick 
game  of  the  northern  Plains  and  Algonkian  tribes,  are  the  Creek,  Seminole, 
Cherokee,  Choctaw,  Chickasaw  and  Shawnee.  The  Choctaw  seem  to  have 
carried  the  ball  game  to  its  highest  athletic  and  ceremonial  form. 

Before  the  Yuchi  begin  a  game,  an  address  of  encouragement  and  instruc- 
tion is  given  by  an  old  man  of  the  Warrior  society  who  has  charge  of  the  event. 
In  one  form  of  the  game  the  sticks  are  laid  on  the  ground  in  a  pile  and  at  a 


88  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

signal  the  players  scramble  for  them.  At  other  times,  time  is  taken  up  in 
conjuring  the  score-ground.  An  old  man,  a  Warrior,  marks  a  line  on  the  ground 
near  the  ball  field.  He  cuts  small  sticks  to  represent  points  or  goals.  Then  he 
begins  a  harangue  to  the  sticks  and  the  mark,  telling  them  to  be  fair  and  so  on, 
pointing  all  the  time  at  the  different  objects  He  names  the  sides  on  the 
line  and  the  little  score  sticks.  After  this  conjuration  he  takes  the  ball  and, 
when  the  players  are  ready,  being  arranged  in  squads  near  their  goals,  tosses 
up  the  ball  from  the  middle  point  between  the  goals.  Then  he  runs  to  one 
side  to  escape  the  clash  of  the  opponents.  The  players  close  in  to  catch  the 
ball  in  their  rackets  and  force  it  through  their  opponents'  goal  posts. 

Strict  care  must  be  taken  by  the  players  not  to  allow  the  ball  to  be  touched 
by  their  hands.  This  is  about  the  only  rule  of  the  game,  every  sort  of  strategy 
and  violence  being  allowed.  When  a  player  makes  a  goal  he  throws  his  body 
forward,  elevates  his  elbows  and  gives  the  '  gobble  '  yell,  a  tremulous  whoop 
also  given  as  a  scalp  cry.  This  is  a  taunt. 

From  this  point  on  the  game  is  a  wild  struggle.  The  bystanders  add  to 
the  confusion  by  shouting  and  yelling  cries  of  encouragement,  gya,  'hurry  up,' 
kye,  'here/  and  other  directions  intended  to  aid  the  players,  just  like  white 
spectators.  Wherever  the  ball  is  there  is  a  pushing,  shouting,  yelling  crowd  of 


Goal 


Goal 


Fig.  34.      Plan  of  Ball  Field. 

players  trying  to  get  it  in  their  rackets.  Those  on  the  inside  are  fumbling  and 
trying  to  prevent  others  from  securing  it,  while  those  farthest  away  are  pushing 
and  hammering  with  their  sticks  to  break  a  passage  toward  the  center,  until 
someone  secures  the  ball  and  sends  it  up  in  the  air  over  the  heads  of  the 
crowd  toward  the  opponents '  goal  if  possible.  Then  someone  else  who  has 
been  waiting  at  a  distance  for  just  this  occasion  has  time  to  seize  the  ball  between 
his  rackets  and  line  it  off  for  a  goal  before  the  crowd  reaches  him.  He  is 
lucky  if  he  does  not  get  clubbed  by  some  angry  opponent  after  this.  If  his 
throw  falls  short  or  misses  the  goal  someone  else  has  a  chance  to  get  it  and 
make  a  throw.  Or  if  the  player  who  catches  the  ball  is  near  the  hostile  goal 
he  may  try  to  run  with  the  ball  tightly  gripped  in  his  rackets.  Then  his 
success  depends  upon  his  speed,  but  his  pace  may  be  slackened  by  a  blow  from 
the  racket  of  some  one  of  his  pursuers,  whereupon  he  drops  the'ball  and  the 
crush  closes  in  about  him.  Or  he  may  circle  off  and  by  outrunning  the  rest 
succeed  in  carrying  the  ball  through  the  goal  posts,  while  everyone  sets  up 
a  yell  and  the  sides  line  up  with  suppressed  excitement  for  another  inning. 


F.    G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE   YUCHI    INDIANS. 


89 


The  line-up  was  observed  as  follows :  according  to  the  number  of  players  a 
certain  force  was  placed  to  guard  the  goal  post  on  each  side,  while  the  majority 
were  grouped  on  opposite  sides  of  the  center  of  the  ground  where  the  ball  is 
tossed  up.  Thus  there  were  two  squads  on  each  side.  Between  these  squads 
few  half-way  men  were  stationed.  The  diagram,  Fig.  34,  shows  a  typical  ar- 
rangement, the  black  dots  representing  one  side,  the  circle  their  opponents. 
The  cross  X  is  where  the  ball  is  tossed  up.  As  the  games  observed  were  be- 
tween members  of  the  two  societies  of  the  tribe,  the  players  in  the  figure,  in- 
dicated by  circles  and  dots,  represent  respectively  Chiefs  and  Warriors. 

Goals  obtained  are  marked  by  the  score-keeper,  by  driving  small  sticks 
in  the  ground  on  the  side  of  the  line  which  has  scored.  The  first  side  to 
score  twenty  goals  wins.  In  this  game  men  arc  often  seriously  injured  and 
killed.  It  is  stated  that,  in  a  game  between  the  Yuchi  and  one  of  the  Creek 
towns  some  years  ago,  four  men  were  fatally  injured.  The  photographs 
(PI.  XVI.  )  show  groups  of  players  at  different  stages  of  a  game  which  took 
place  in  conclusion  of  the  annual  ceremony  of  1905. 

A  similar  game  in  which  women  may 
take  part  on  both  sides,  or  against  men,  is 
played  with  a  large  ball  (Fig.  35),  the  bare 
hands  alone  being  used.  This  is  an  informal 
and  very  amusing  event.  Played  in  another 
way  the  ball  is  kicked  by  men  and  women 
on  opposite  sides.  This  was  called  dagAn 
tent,  'ball  kick.' 

Another  game  is  called  cow's  head.  A 
cow's  head  is  elevated  on  a  pole  about 
twenty  feet  high,  and  men  and  women  strive 
to  hit  it  with  a  small  ball,  which  the  women 
throw  with  their  hands  and  the  men  with 
ball  sticks.  Counts  are  as  follows: 


Fig.  35.      Foot  Ball. 


Hitting  cow's  head  counts  for  men 

"     horn      "         "       "  . 

"  two  feet  below  head    "       ". 


1,  for  women  .  5 
1,  "  "  ...  2 
1,  «  "  ...  1 


Played  in  another  way,  the  women  throw  the  ball,  which  was  a  large 
one  in  this  case,  while  the  men  kick  it.  Twenty  players  were  on  each  side. 
Betting  was  carried  on  with  both  of  these  games. 

Like  the  prairie  tribes,  the  Yuchi  women  also  played  a  game  with  two  balls 
connected  by  a  thong.  This  they  tossed  by  means  of  a  simple  straight  stick. 
There  was  no  goal,  the  object  merely  being  to  get  the  chain  ball  away  from  the 
opponent.  The  hoop  and  throwing  stick  game  was  also  knoxvn  to  the  Yuchi. 
Cat's  cradles  or  string  games  are  well  known  by  children  and  adults.  Four 


90  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

or  five  of  these  string  figures  were  seen.  One  of  them,  for  instance,  was  called 
Crowfoot,1  another  resembled  the  common  Jacob's  Ladder,2  while  the  others, 
extremely  long  and  complex,  could  not  be  named.  All  of  the  figures  were 
made  by  one  person  alone  and  the  figures  were  brought  out  chiefly  by 
manipulating  the  right  hand.  A  common  figure  was  similar  to  that  known  to 
white  children  under  the  name  of  'sawing  wood.'3  Some  of  the  string  figures 
may  have  been  learned  from  white  people. 

Horse  racing,  foot  racing  and  trials  of  strength  and  endurance  are  greatly 
to  the  liking  of  the  Indians.  On  such  occasions  they  usually  indulge  freely  in 
betting.  Among  other  contests  carried  on  by  men  is  a  form  of  wrestling. 
The  first  grasp  is  an  elbow  grasp,  each  man  holding  the  other  somewhere 
near  the  elbow  and  trying  to  throw  him  backwards  by  dexterous  twisting 
or  by  combined  strength  and  weight.  The  semiformal  giving  of  presents 
to  guests  and  friends  is  also  a  fairly  common  practice  upon  the  occasion 
of  the  gatherings.  The  event  is  hardly  to  be  called  formal,  as  the  giver 
simply  offers  tobacco  to  the  person  he  wishes  to  honor  and  states  aloud 
what  he  will  give.  The  recipient  is  under  no  obligations  to  return  the 
favor  until  some  time  has  passed,  when  he  is  expected  to  return  to  the  giver 
another  and  more  valuable  gift. 

1  The  finished  pattern  resembles  "Leashing  of  Lochiel's  Dogs"  (cf.  String  Figures, 
by  Caroline  F.  Jayne,  New  York,  1906,  pp.  116,  120;    also  the  Tanana  "  Raven's  Feet") 
(ibid.  p.  306,  fig.  825)  ;  and  the  Cherokee  "  Crow's  Feet"   (cf.  A.  C.  Haddon,  American 
Anthropologist,  Vol.  V,  No.  2,  p.  217). 

2  This  resembles  an  Osage  figure  recorded  by  Mrs.  Jayne  (cf.  String   Figures,  p.  27, 
Fig.  50.) 

3Cf.  ibid.  p.  357  Fig.  805. 


G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS. 


91 


CUSTOMS. 
BIRTH. 

Before  child-birth  takes  place  the  prospective  mother  retires  to  a  secluded 
temporary  camp  always  east  of  the  usual  dwelling.  Here  she  is  attended  by  one 
or  two  old  women  relatives  and  her  mother. 

In  order  to  facilitate  delivery  a  decoction  is  made  by  placing  a  bu'let  in 
a  cup  of  water,  and  the  woman  is  given  this  to  drink.  During  delivery  she 
lies  flat  on  her  back  on  the  floor  or  on  the  ground.  Sometimes  the  family 


Fig.  36.      Objects  Deposited  With    Navel  Cord. 

induces  an  old  woman  to  come  and  help  the  woman  in  labor  by  sitting  on 
her  abdomen  so  that  she  can  be  held  in  her  arms.  As  soon  as  the  child  is 
born  it  is  washed,  but  no  clothes  are  put  on  it  until  the  fourth  day,  when  it 
is  named.  The  mother  is  allowed  to  partake  of  nourishment;  the  child,  how- 
ever, is  not  given  suck  until  the  fourth  day.  The  taboos  shortly  to  be  described 
which  devolve  upon  the  father  go  into  effect  as  soon  as  the  child  is  born. 


92  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    I. 

The  fetal  coverings  are  disposed  of  by  inhumation.  Care  is  taken  to  pre- 
serve the  umbilical  cord.  In  the  case  of  a  male  child  it  is  treated  in  the 
following  manner:  the  father  has  prepared  a  small  bow  about  eight  inches 
long  and  strung  with  wound  sinew,  an  imitation  of  the  larger  weapon. 
Four  arrows,  notched  but  unfeathered,  with  sharpened  shafts,  accompany 
the  bow  (Fig.  35,  a).  The  arrows  are  then  bound,  together  with  the  navel 
cord,  at  the  center  of  the  little  bow,  and  the  whole  thing  is  thrown  where 
the  brush  is  very  dense  and  where  no  one  will  see  it.  This  is  an  invocation 
and  prayer  that  the  boy  grow  up  to  be  a  masterful  handler  of  the  bow  both 
in  hunting  and  in  war. 

In  the  case  of  a  female  child  the  cord  is  likewise  preserved.  It  is  carried 
to  the  great  log  mortar  which  stands  in  the  space  before  every  Yuchi  house,  and 
tucked  snugly  awajr  beneath  it  in  the  earth  at  the  base.  The  father  then  carves 
a  small  model  of  a  mortar  and  pestle  together  with  two  different  sized  pot- 
stirrers  (Fig.  36,  b,  c,  d).  These  objects  are  preserved  somewhere  about  the 
house  or  camp  and  represent  a  prayer  that  the  girl  may  grow  up  to  be 
proficient  in  all  the  arts  of  good  housekeeping.  When  the  father  is  informed 
that  his  child  is  a  boy  he  is  pleased,  and  the  birth  of  a  female  child  brings 
joy  to  the  mother. 

The  Yuchi  do  not,  as  far  as  has  been  observed,  practice  the  custom  of  making 
cradle  boards  for  their  infants  as  some  of  their  neighbors  do.  On  the  contrary, 
a  hammock  of  cloth  or  of  strouding  is  constructed  upon  two  ropes  attached  to 
trees,  and  separated  by  two  cross  pieces  at  head  and  foot  to  spread  the  opening 
at  the  top  and  admit  air  to  the  child.  When  the  mother  wishes  to  carry  it,  the 
infant  is  either  slung  in  a  shawl  upon  her  back,  or  if  strong  enough,  is  made  to 
straddle  her  hip  with  her  arm  about  its  waist  for  support.  Some  amulets 
are  usually  fastened  about  its  neck  to  protect  the  child  from  sickness.  While 
some  of  the  southeastern  tribes  followed  the  custom  of  artificially  flattening 
the  frontal  region  of  the  skulls  of  infants,1  considerable  inquiry  among  the 
older  Yuchi  people  failed  to  bring  out  any  definite  information  on  this 
point,  so  it  seems  likely  that  if  this  was  ever  done  by  them  it  has  long  been 
forgotten. 

Upon  the  birth  of  a  child  into  the  family  certain  very  strict  taboos  fall  upon 
the  father.  From  the  day  that  the  child  is  born  he  may  do  no  work,  nor 
sleep  in  his  customary  place  in  the  house  for  the  space  of  one  month.  He 
usually  establishes  himself  in  a  camp  near  by.  A  strict  dietary  taboo  also 
prevents  him  from  tasting  salt,  sweet  potatoes,  pumpkins,  melons  and  musk 
melons  for  the  same  period.  The  stigma  of  religious  uncleanness  which 
attaches  to  the  wife  during  the  season  of  child-birth  and  catamenia,  is 
apparently  shared  by  the  husband.  During  the  month  of  taboos  he  is  not 


1  Cf.  American  Anthropologist  (N.  S.)  vol.  9,  No.  2,  p.  294  (1907). 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE    YCCIII    INDIANS.  93 

expected  to  mingle  much  with  his  companions  in  public  places,  and  should 
he  attempt  to  ignore  his  bounds,  they  would  remind  him  of  them  by  shunning 
him  or  casting  blame  and  ridicule  upon  him. 

The  actions  of  the  father  are  believed  to  exert  some  sort  of  influence  upon 
the  growth  of  the  child  during  this  tender  period,  before  it  is  considered  to  have 
severed  all  the  bonds  which  link  it  with  the  supernatural.  The  child  is  looked 
upon  as  the  reincarnation  of  some  ancestral  spirit  from  the  spirit  world.  Should 
the  father  violate  the  taboos  not  only  he  might  suffer  but  the  child  itself  would 
pay  the  penalty  for  his  transgressions.  As  for  the  rest,  the  community  at  large 
thinks  it  best  to  have  as  little  as  possible  to  do  with  the  couple  who  have  thus 
come  into  communication  with  the  supernatural,  since  no  one  can  tell  what 
evil  consequences  may  follow.  As  surely  as  the  father  might  suffer,  if  he  trans- 
gressed, he  would  be  the  means  of  spreading  abroad  the  contagion  of  evil. 
The  religious  significance  of  the  taboo  in  this  tribe  will  be  treated  more  at 
length  in  the  general  discussion  of  religious  beliefs. 

To  the  father  of  a  family  fell  the  lot  of  instructing  his  boys  in  manly  exer- 
cises and  in  the  duties  and  privileges  of  whichever  of  the  two  societies  he  in- 
herited prospective  membership  in.  The  mother  on  her  part  was  responsible 
for  the  training  up  of  her  daughters  in  domestic  duties. 

NAMING. 

The  fourth  day  after  its  birth  is  the  all  important  day  for  the  newly  born 
child.  It  is  then  no  longer  a  half-spirit,  but  a  real  human  being  and  belongs  to 
earth.  Upon  this  day  it  is  first  given  suck,  and  a  name  having  been  chosen  by 
both  mother  and  father,  preparations  are  made  to  bestow  it  upon  the  infant. 
In  regard  to  the  choice  of  names  there  is  a  significant  rule  that  a  child  shall  take 
the  name  of  some  maternal  grandparent's  brother  or  sister  according  to  sex. 
Thus  names  are  transmitted  in  accordance  to  a  maternal  system  of  inheritance, 
and,  although  the  clan  of  the  individual  is  by  no  means  illustrated  in  his 
name,  as  it  is  among  the  Creeks,  Siouan,  and  Algonkian  tribes,  it  is  quite 
evident  that  the  same  names  will  descend  through  the  same  clan,  occurring  in 
alternate  generations.  Under  this  arrangement  if  all  the  names  in  a  certain 
clan  were  a  matter  of  general  knowledge  throughout  the  community,  the  custom 
would  more  nearly  coincide  with  the  above-mentioned  groups  where  personal 
names  indicate  clanship.  It  is  not  uncommon,  however,  for  children  to  be 
named  directly  after  the  totem.  Although  the  percentage  of  such  names  is  not 
high,  they  are  still  to  be  found.  For  example,  we  find  Sag*?  sin£,  '  Little  Bear/ 
to  be  a  member  of  the  Bear  clan.  In  some  cases,  I  was  informed,  the 
ancestral  name  is  not  perpetuated  in  the  child,  but  the  parents  may  if  they 
desire  invent  a  new  name  connected  with  some  peculiarity  of  the  child  or 
some  incident  attending  its  birth.  The  usual  ceremony  of  naming  on  the 


94  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

fourth  day  after  birth,  consists  in  fastening  a  string  of  white  beads  about  the 
infant's  neck  in  token  of  the  occasion.  These  beads  are  worn  continually 
until  the  child  is  able  to  walk  about.  In  default  of  a  string  of  beads  a 
single  white  bead  is  often  substituted. 

The  above  facts  regarding  personal  names  are  significant  in  another  respect, 
and  have  something  to  do  with  the  idea  of  reincarnation.  When  it  is  borne  in 
mind  that,  in  the  journey  of  the  departing  soul,  it  requires  four  days  to  reach 
the  land  of  the  dead,  there  appears  an  evident  connection  between  these 
four  days  and  those  that  are  allowed  to  pass  before  the  newly  born  child 
is  given  its  name. 

The  Yuchi  believe  that  in  naming  a  child  after  the  ancestor  it  will  exhibit 
the  qualities  of  that  ancestor,  and  it  is  frequent  to  hear  a  father  remark  how 
much  his  son  is  getting  to  be  like  his  great  uncle,  and  then  proceed  to  eulogize 
the  latter.  The  child  spoken  of  will  bear  his  name,  often  with  the  diminutive 
particle  if  the  name  is  of  European  origin,  as  John,  Little  John.  Judging 
by  conversations  that  I  have  had  with  the  Yuchi  upon  the  matter  of 
reincarnation,  it  seems  that  belief  in  the  connection  between  the  body  and 
temperament  of  the  child,  and  those  of  its  maternal  ancestor  in  the  second 
past  generation,  undoubtedly  exists  in  their  minds. 

Ceremonial  or  political  position  is  not  indicated  in  the  name  of  an  indivi- 
dual, so  when  such  ranks  are  mentioned  they  are  apart  from  the  name.  It  is 
not  known  that  names  have  been  changed  or  multiplied,  there  does  not  seem 
to  be  any  reluctance  in  the  matter  of  mentioning  the  names  of  dead  persons. 
In  common  use  personal  names  are  not  very  much  heard.  In  fact,  some 
people  seem  to  be  rather  ashamed  of  them,  and  when  questioned  on  the  subject 
will  refer  to  a  bystander  or  some  friend.  Not  infrequently  a  man  when  giving 
his  name  will  whisper  it.  Particularly  at  the  ceremonies  men  are  addressed  by 
their  society  titles,  as  Bdlen,  Chief,  or  Sanbd,  Warrior,  Gocone,  and  so  on. 
The  characteristic  features  of  names  among  the  Yuchi  are,  in  brief,  that  one 
name,  supposedly  indicating  the  reincarnation  of  a  maternal  antecedent  two 
generations  removed,  is  borne  unvaried  through  life,  and  that  nothing  necessarily 
expressed  in  the  name  itself  indicates  clanship,  or  rank. 

Following  is  a  list  of  names  with  interpretations  given  by  an  interpreter,  in 
some  cases  attainable  by  analysis,  in  others  not.  The  interpretations  Jay  no 
claim  to  accuracy,  for  many  of  the  names  themselves  are  regarded  as 
archaisms. 

Dasewi',  Comes  crossing. 

Katane, Meet  him. 

Yalewi', Come  back. 

GAmbesl'ne  Little  screw  driver. 

AgA.ngone Comes  with  someone  (fern.). 

Go'td Shake  with  something. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  95 

Ka'kd White  man. 

Fagozonwl' Comes  out  of  the  thicket. 

Ekilane It  has  left  me. 

Gopetcane Man  who  jumps  over  something. 

Kubd Creek  Indian  (literally,  'Looking  up  this  way'). 

Dastanangl'  For  Creek,  Tost An  A' 'gi,  warrior. 

KllewV Passing. 

Gone^d' Big  baby. 

Gegogane Sent  back  home. 

^Ydstagolane Goes  toward  the  fire  (fern.). 

Gansm6 Little  baby  (fern.). 

Gobadane' Sheep  (literally,  'fat  leg'). 

Gosd' Big  person  (fern.). 

Ya'tdegonfe  Gone  ahead  with  someone  (fern.). 

Ydda  ponle Under  the  bucket 

Gonldntclne  Runs  after  him. 

DJAnte' Crooked  John. 

Goydeant Cuts  up  sticks  (with  an  axe). 

Djadfisi'*An Little  George. 

S2at6 Touches  the  ground. 

Ssagwane Takes  him  down. 

Yuwagegonldnf 

Sag*?  sine Little  Bear. 

MARRIAGE. 

Marriage  among  the  Yuchi  is  remarkably  simple,  being  attended  by  no 
ceremony  so  far  as  could  be  learned.  A  young  man  having  found  a  girl  to  his 
taste  in  various  respects,  decides  to  appropriate  her.  He  meets  her  frequently 
and  courts  her.  She  leaves  home  at  length  of  her  own  will  and  he  builds  a 
house  for  them.  No  exchange,  so  far  as  is  known,  is  made,  but  it  often  happened 
that  the  man  gave  the  girl's  family  a  pony.  Sometimes  the  man  goes  to  live 
with  his  wife's  parents  until  he  is  able  to  start  for  himself.  The  couple 
separates  at  will,  but  the  children  go  with  the  mother.  Should  this  occur,  the 
man  must  never  speak  to  her  again  under  any  circumstances,  as  it  would 
lessen  her  chance  with  other  men. 

There  is  a  restriction  in  regard  to  marriage,  however,  that  is  very  strict. 
Each  individual  is  a  member  of  a  certain  totemic  group,  or  clan,  and  marriage 
between  members  of  the  same  clan  is  strictly  tabooed  as  a  form  of  incest.  The 
clans,  however,  are  all  equal  in  this  respect,  as  marriage  may  take  place  between 
any  two. 

As  a  rule,  it  may  be  added,  married  people,  if  such  concubinage  should  be 
called  marriage,  are  quite  sympathetic  with  each  other. 


96  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

Polygamy  was  practiced  in  the  past  quite  generally.  A  man  could  have 
as  many  wives  as  he  could  get  and  keep.  His  residence  in  such  a  case  was  his 
own,  but  each  wife  had  her  own  property,  the  children  she  bore  belonging  to 
her  and  her  clan.  Unfaithful  wives  were  punished  by  having  their  ears  cut  off. 

INITIATION. 

Each  boy  at  the  time  when  he  reaches  the  age  of  puberty  is  set  off  from  his 
companions  by  certain  rules  of  conduct.  His  period  of  initiation  is  brought 
to  a  culmination  at  the  next  annual  ceremony  performed  by  the  tribe  in 
the  town  square.  During  this  event  he.  with  other  boys  who  are  being 
initiated,  has  certain  ceremonial  offices  to  perform.  When  the  ceremony  is 
over  his  period  of  initiation  is  likewise  over,  and  he  is  regarded  as  an  adult, 
although  a  callow  and  inexperienced  one.  He  is  then  in  the  right  position 
to  take  a  wife,  have  a  voice  in  the  town  square,  and  receive  appointment  to 
some  higher  ceremonial  office.  Thereafter  the  people  watch  him  to  find  some 
manifestation  of  ability  in  industrial,  civil  or  military  matters  according  to 
his  bent.  Henceforth  the  young  man  is  under  the  guidance  and  protection 
of  his  clan  totem,  the  initiation  rites  and  adoption  into  the  town  having  at 
the  same  time  secured  this  for  him.  Initiation  was,  in  brief,  the  formal  ad- 
mission of  youths  into  the  privileges  of  their  hereditary  society,  and  into  the 
rank  of  responsible  manhood  in  their  clan  and  town. 

Further  mention  will  be  made  of  the  boys  undergoing  the  last  stages  of  their 
initiation  term  in  the  account  of  the  annual  ceremony,  and  again  in  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  public  offices  in  the  town,  where  they  are  known  as  yatcigi'. 

MENSTRUATION. 

During  the  menstrual  periods,  the  Yuchi  woman  is  obliged  to  leave  the 
common  domicile,  the  company  of  her  husband  and  family.  Going  away 
by  herself  she  makes  a  shelter  some  distance  from  the  camp,  usually  to  the  east 
of  it.  Here  she  remains  for  four  days,  having  no  part  in  the  preparation  of 
food  for  the  household  and  taking  no  part  in  any  household  duties  whatever. 
She  may  not  even  touch  common  property,  striving  to  be  seen  as  little  as 
possible  by  friends  or  relatives.  A  very  stringent  taboo  was  that  she  should 
sleep  apart  from  her  husband.  In  fact,  during  this  whole  period  of  about  four 
clays  an  atmosphere  of  seclusion  surrounds  the  near  relatives,  while  the 
husband  refrains  from  joining  hunting  parties  or  social  gatherings  with  his 
friends,  since  it  is  understood  that  his  company  is  not  desired  for  the  time.  The 
reason  given  for  this  is  that  the  woman  is  considered  to  be  unclean  and  that 
objects  or  persons  coming  in  touch  with  her  acquire  the  same  quality.  The 
uncleanness  referred  to  is  a  magic  not  a  physical  quality.  It  is  thought  that 
she  becomes  a  mere  involuntary  agent  of  evil  magic  at  this  time. 


F.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  97 

While  the  woman  is  thus  secluded  food  is  brought  to  her  by  her  mother 
in  four  small  dishes,  yadadane  (PL  III,  Fig.  1),  of  unbaked  clay,  one  being  for 
sofkee,  one  for  meat  and  the  others  for  bread  and  coffee.  These  foods  are  left 
under  a  tree  near  at  hand  by  the  woman's  mother,  within  easy  reach.  Before1 
returning  to  her  home  the  woman  must  wash  herself  and  all  garments 
concerned  with  her.  The  small  dishes  are  destroyed.  This  is  done  to  obliterate 
all  possible  channels  through  which  the  power  of  harm  might  flow  from 
the  unclean  to  clean  objects. 


BURIAL. 

BELIEFS. — The  individual,  according  to  Yuchi  religious  philosophy,  pos- 
sesses four  spirits,  n\nged',  one  of  which  at  death  remains  in  the  spot  where 
disembodiment  took  place,  while  two  others  hover  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
tribesfolk  and  relatives.  The  information  in  regard  to  these  two,  however, 
is  rather  vague.  The  fourth  starts  upon  a  four  days'  journey  along  the 
rainbow  trail  eastward  to  yubahe',  'far  overhead,'  the  haven  of  souls.  At  the 
point  where  earth  and  sky  meet,  a  great  cloud  is  constantly  rising  and  falling. 
Under  this  cloud  all  souls  must  pass  and,  should  the  passage  be  made  in 
safety,  yubahe  is  subsequently  attained.  But  many  souls  are  crushed  and 
lost  forever,  while  some  are  obliged  to  return  to  earth  again  in  failing, 
through  fear,  to  pass  the  obstacle.  Those  spirits  which  remain  on  earth  may 
be  propitious  or  otherwise,  but  are  generally  held  in  fear.  A  general  belief 
that  the  reincarnation  of  ancestors  in  the  maternal  line  takes  place  in  the 
birth  of  children  has  already  been  mentioned. 

RITES. — Upon  the  death  of  an  individual  the  observances  practiced  have  a 
twofold  function :  they  not  only  manifest  the  grief  of  the  survivors  but  they  an; 
destined  to  prepare  the  soul  elements  for  the  last  journey,  the  trial  at  the  end  of 
the  earth,  and  future  existence. 

The  mortuary  customs  of  the  Yuchi  have  undergone  a  change  within  the 
last  two  decades,  a  change  from  burial  beneath  the  house  floor  to  outdoor  burial. 
The  same  may  be  said  of  their  neighbors  the  Creeks.  In  former  times  the  rites 
were  as  follows :  as  soon  as  death  had  been  ascertained,  public  announcement 
of  it  was  made  by  the  assistant  of  the  town  chief,  or  second  chief.  Six  shots 
were,  and  are  today,  fired  from  a  rifle  to  apprise  both  the  living  and  the  dead  of 
the  event.  In  the  winter  of  1904  when  Katana,  Charles  Big  Pond,  died  ten 
shots  were  fired  as  an  especial  tribute,  but  this  was  not  often  rendered  to 
ordinary  men.  The  number  fired  for  Chiefs  and  Warriors  is  the  same.  The 
body  of  the  man  is  then  washed  by  near  relatives  and  laid  on  its  back 
upon  the  floor.  He  is  dressed  in  good  clothes  and  his  face  is  painted  with  the 
Chief  or  Warrior  design  according  to  his  society.  By  this  time  the  camp  is 
informed  and  general  lamentation  follows.  Anciently  it  was  customary  for 


98  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

t 

men  to  assemble  on  the  ensuing  morning  and  dig  a  grave  directly  in  the  center 
of  the  earth  floor  of  the  house.  Both  then  and  now  boards  were  placed,  or 
slabs  of  bark,  at  the  bottom  and  around  the  sides  of  the  pit,  since  no  dirt  must 
come  in  contact  with  the  body.  A  package  of  tobacco  and  some  money  were 
inhumed  at  the  same  time.  When  burial  was  beneath  the  floor  neither 
horse  nor  dog  was  slain  over  the  spot,  and  the  occupation  of  the  house  was  not 
interrupted. 

In  most  respects  the  same  details  in  rite  are  followed  out  in  the  present  day 
as  in  the  past,  but  the  modern  rite  differs  in  some  particulars.  A  common  bury- 
ing ground  is  usually  to  be  found  near  each  point  of  settlement,  so  when  a  dead 
man  has  been  properly  attired  and  decorated  he  is  carried  thither  and  buried 
in  the  manner  described  before.  The  head  is  always  placed  to  the  west,  causing 
the  face  to  be  directed  toward  the  east,  the  direction  in  which  the  departing 
spirit  journeys.  Once,  according  to  a  last  request,  an  old  man  was  interred 
facing  the  west  because,  as  he  said,  being  a  progressive  man,  disgusted  with  old 
conditions,  he  did  not  wish  to  travel  the  path  of  his  ancestors. 

A  fire  is  built  at  the  head  of  the  pit  and  maintained  for  four  days  and  nights 
to  light  up  the  path  of  the  spirit.  It  probably  has  some  symbolic  reference  to 
the  sun  also.  Bread,  meat,  boiled  corn  and  a  bundle  of  clothes  are  laid  beside 
the  body,  the  food  stuffs  usually  in  an  earthen  bowl.  The  horse,  or  dog,  or  both, 
of  the  deceased  were  sometimes  slain  over  the  grave  to  serve  their  master,  but 
this  practice  is  obsolete. 

When  interment  has  been  completed  a  volley  of  four  rifles  is  discharged 
over  the  grave,  as  a  final  salute,  and  to  clear  the  path  for  the  soul,  the  shooters 
facing  east.  A  structure  composed  of  notched  logs,  or  boards,  in  the  form  of  a 
roof  is  erected  over  the  spot,  assumedly  as  a  protection  to  the  remains. 

To  rid  the  premises  of  the  household  from  the  possible  presence  of  the  wan- 
dering spirits,  which  are  held  in  fear,  a  bucket  is  filled  with  cedar  leaves  and 
smudged  about  the  house,  on  all  sides  and  in  the  garden  patch.  This  is  done 
but  once  and  considered  effectual.  On  the  morning  of  the  fourth  day,  a  shaman 
prepares  a  feast  in  the  house  of  the  dead.  Its  doors  are  thrown  open  and  all 
comers  are  made  welcome  at  the  spread.  This  feast  celebrates  the  supposed 
safe  arrival  of  the  spirit  in  the  upper  world. 

Sickness,  in  the  shape  of  rheumatic  pains,  is  believed  to  fall  upon  any  person 
who  becomes  soiled  with  dirt  from  a  newly  dug  grave.  The  vicinity  of  a  bury- 
ing ground  is  commonly  avoided  as  the  wandering  spirits  are  thought  to  abound 
there.  Names  of  dead  persons  are  not  tabooed.  Graves,  nowadays,  are  not 
visited  much  or  kept  in  repair.  Lastly,  there  is  said  to  be  a  slight  difference 
between  the  mortuary  rites  practiced  for  the  Chief  society  and  those  prac- 
ticed for  the  Warrior  society.  The  Yuchi  do  not  seem  to  have  special  clan  rites 
at  death. 


F.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  99 


MISCELLANEOUS  CUSTOMS. 

SMOKING. — Tobacco,  t,  has  always  been  raised  quite  extensively  by  each 
family  for  smoking  and  for  ceremonial  use. 

For  ordinary  use  it  has  been  customary  to  mix  sumac  leaves  with  the 
tobacco  in  varying  proportions.  Both  men  and  women  smoke  for  pleasure. 
It  should  be  recalled1  that  a  somewhat  irregular  polish  was  given  to  pipe  bowls 
by  rubbing  them  when  wet  with  a  piece  of  smooth  stone.  The  pipe  forms 
sometimes  resemble  frogs.  These  symbolize  the  frog  which  a  supernatural 
being  named  Wind  used  as  a  pipe  bowl  in  the  mythical  age.  The  pipe  stems 
also  symbolize  a  snake,  which  he  used  as  his  pipe  stem,  his  tobacco  being 
snake  dung.  The  myth  referred  to  will  be  given  at  the  end  of  this  paper. 

Smoking  is  called  'tobacco  drink. '  Men,  women  and  even  small  children 
practice  it,  though  they  are  not  by  any  means  incessant  smokers.  When  they 
do  smoke,  however,  it  is  done  rather  vigorously  with  much  inhaling.  People 
smoke  more  in  winter  than  in  summer.  Formerly,  each  man  carried  his  smok- 
ing articles  with  him  in  a  pouch  hanging  at  his  side. 

Ceremonial  smoking  used  to  be  a  common  observance.  It  added  a  tone  of 
sincerity  to  any  communications  between  people.  Strangers  were  welcomed 
with  a  quiet,  friendly  smoke,  and  any  matters  which  required  deliberation, 
whether  private  or  public,  were  thought  over  for  a  time  while  all  were  engaged  in 
smoking.  In  the  town  square,  when  meetings  took  place,  each  member  of  the 
town  wTho  was  present  produced  his  pipe  and  tobacco  while  an  official  of  the 
Chief  society  passed  around  among  the  lodges  furnishing  everyone  with  a  light. 
Sometimes  the  official  lighted  a  pipe  and  passed  it  around  for  each  man  to  take 
a  puff  from  it.  It  was  believed  that  if  one  smoked  while  deliberating  in  sin- 
cerity over  a  question  and,  at  the  same  time,  entertained  malice  or  insincerity 
toward  it  in  his  mind  he  would  die.  In  the  same  way  it  was  thought  that 
anyone  suspected  of  mischief  or  evil  intentions  could  be  detected  by  a  challenge 
to  smoke  with  the  accuser.  In  fact  it  was  evidently  regarded  as  an  oath  and 
an  ordeal  to  test  veracity  or  guilt.  The  following,  mentioned  in  one  of  the 
myths,  shows  the  power  of  tobacco  smoke  in  a  case  of  wrong-doing. 

"  Now  the  owner  of  the  house  was  an  evil  man.  He  was  Iron  Man.  Wind 
knew  all  about  that  and  he  even  knew  that  Iron  Man  had  killed  his  four  sons. 
Then  Wind  decided  to  kill  him.  When  he  smoked  he  drew  in  a  great  deal  of 
smoke  and  blew  it  on  Iron  Man.  And  that  is  the  way  he  killed  him." 

1  See  page  30. 


100  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

The  Yuchi  take  their  rest  at  night  in  a  very  irregular  way,  getting  up  at 
all  hours  for  the  purpose  of  talking,  singing,  gambling,  or  inspecting  their 
horses,  when  in  camp.  Nightly  debauchery  is  common ;  when  intoxicants  abound 
undisturbed  rest  is  unknown  in  the  camps.  No  one  attempts  to  remedy  these 
faults  by  means  of  persuasion  or  force,  except  the  wife  of  the  disturber. 
Women  have  a  good  deal  of  power  of  this  sort  and,  although  seemingly  very 
submissive  and  passive,  their  advice  is  often  asked  in  matters  of  decision,  while 
the  men  are  patient  in  listening  to  rebukes  from  them.  In  public,  women  must 
remain  in  the  background  when  their  men  are  present.  They  never  engage  in 
conversation  with  other  men  in  the  presence  of  their  husbands  who  must  be 
spokesmen  when  outside  communication  is  necessary. 

Children  in  crawling  often  rest  on  the  hands  and  on  the  soles  of  their  feet, 
instead  of  their  knees.  In  climbing,  the  men  press  the  soles  of  the  feet  to  the 
bark  and  hug  the  tree  with  the  arms,  raising  both  feet  for  a  new  grip.  Boys  of 
five  or  six  years  and  upward  are  allowed  to  smoke  tobacco  as  much  as  they 
choose.  Women  carry  children  astride  the  hip.  Children  spend  much 
time  in  building  mounds  of  dirt  and  playing  with  sticks  and  stones  in  sand 
or  mud.  Little  girls  have  dolls  of  rags  and  deerskin  which  they  play  with. 

Both  men  and  women  are,  for  Indians,  decidedly  cleanly  in  personal 
habits.  Their  clothes  are  kept  carefully  clean  and  neat.  They  frequently 
wash.  To  keep  the  teeth  clean  a  piece  of  willow  stick  is  chewed  on  the  end 
until  it  is  shredded  and  pulpy.  This  is  chewed  and  rubbed  across  the  teeth 
to  remove  accretions,  while  the  sap  forms  a  kind  of  suds. 

Children  are  seldom  punished  for  any  mischief  that  they  do.  They  are 
never  whipped.  If,  however,  it  is  thought  necessary  to  give  them  a  reminder 
in  the  shape  of  chastisement,  a  vessel  of  water  is  thrown  over  them. 

It  was  not  very  common  in  the  past  for  a  girl  to  grow  up  and  not  be 
married,  so  there  were  few  unmarried  women.  Such  women,  however,  usually 
lived  with  different  men  merely  as  concubines,  staying  for  a  while  with  one, 
then  going  to  live  with  another. 

As  far  back  as  can  be  remembered,  it  was  the  custom  for  men  when  they  met 
to  shake  hands  and  to  offer  each  other  some  tobacco. 

Old  people  were  not  ill  treated.  On  the  contrary,  they  were  respected  and 
served  by  their  children.  It  is  understood  that  old  men  are  to  be  cared  for 
by  their  sons  the  same  today  as  formerly. 

In  regard  to  the  temperament  of  the  Yuchi,  it  seems  that  they  were,  and 
are  today,  inclined  to  be  mild  and  quiet  mannered.  They  prefer  to  avoid 
quarrels,  only  when  they  become  suspicious  showing  a  tendency  to  grow  sullen. 
I  think,  on  the  whole,  if  there  is  any  value  in  such  a  statement  at  all,  that 
anyone  accustomed  to  the  appearance  of  Indians  in  general,  would  find  in  the 
Yuchi  a  noticeably  open,  pleasant,  and  kind  expression  of  the  face. 

The  Yuchi,  like  most  Indians,  are  by  no  means  apathetic  in  temperament. 
They  exhibit  a  lively  interest  in  their  surroundings,  are  fairly  quick  in  grasp- 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  101 

ing  ideas,  and  in  learning  new  things.  They  show  an  interest,  too,  in  the  cus- 
toms of  their  neighbors,  commenting  not  a  little  on  what  they  observe.  Like 
good  gossips,  they  take  good  care  of  their  own  and  their  neighbors'  private 
affairs. 

The  telling  of  myths  and  tales  is  a  favorite  idle  hour  pastime  in  the  camps. 
There  do  not  seem  to  be  any  restrictions  as  to  place  or  time  of  year,  for  I  have 
heard  them  narrating  myths  both  in  summer  and  winter,  day  and  night.  Good 
narrators  of  stories  are  generally  respected  and  looked  up  to  by  the  people. 
They  have  a  few  peculiar  mannerisms,  making  frequent  use  of  pantomimic  and 
descriptive  gestures.  Mention  of  the  sun  is  invariably  accompanied  by  pointing 
upward  with  the  index  finger.  At  the  beginning  of  narratives,  stereotyped 
phrases  are  commonly  used,  such  as,  "In  the  olden  (mythical)  times  ....", 
"The  old  people  tell  it ....,"  " It  is  said  that  .  . .  .  "  and  others  similar  .  Often 
the  tale  starts  in  abruptly  with  the  mention  of  the  two  chief  characters,  while 
the  first  few  sentences  point  out  what  is  to  follow,  like  a  preface.  The  narrative 
is  liberally  punctuated  with  the  phrase  "so  they  said  "  which  takes  the  place  of 
the  quotative  and  also  serves  as  a  rhetorical  pause  period.  The  narrator  always 
closes  his  account  with  "This  is  the  end,"  "Now  (then),"  "Here  it  ends," 
"This  is  enough"  or  similar  concluding  phrases.  Some  short  statement 
entirely  irrelevant  to  the  tale  itself,  but  spoken  in  the  same  tone  and  without 
much  of  a  break,  may  be  appended,  such  as,  "My  name  is  Joseph,"  "I  am  your 
friend,"  "I  am  only  a  young  man  in  wisdom,  but  I  have  told  what  I  heard," 
"Give  me  some  tobacco,"  "It  is  late,"  "The  day  is  a  bad  one."  The  Yuchi 
audience  is  a  quiet  one,  usually  waiting  until  the  end  of  a  story  before  expressing 
comment.  They  often  interrupt, however,  with  laughter  or  with  "ho  ho!",  as  a 
sign  of  assent. 

These  Indians  have  a  few  exclamatory  expressions  which  are  used  in 
various  circumstances.  An  expression  of  sudden  anger,  known  also  among  the 
neighboring  Creeks,  is  dylla!!  The  men  give  vent  to  disbelief  or  contempt  of 
what  another  is  saying  by  exclaiming  gu!  gu'ff;  the  women,  by  exclaiming  in  a 
high  voice,  hlh\nt!  A  surd  sound,  tck  tck  tck,is  a  signal  to  frighten  small  children 
when  they  are  up  to  mischief.  Dogs  know  this  signal  too.  It  stands  for 
"stop !"  Another  explosive  expression,  ell!  is  commonly  used  to  frighten  dogs, 
but  is  not  for  persons.  A  signal  of  warning  or  caution,  also  common,  is 
given  by  hissing  between  the  tongue-tip  and  the  base  of  the  teeth.  This  means 
"be  on  your  guard,"  "look  out,"  "watch  your  chance,"  etc.  Dogs  are  called 
by  a  few  sharp  inspiratory  whistles. 

The  numeral  system  in  Yuchi  is  a  decimal  one.  The  numbers  up  to  ten  do 
not  yield  to  analysis.  From  ten  to  twenty,  however,  the  expression  is,  "ten, 
one  coming  on,"  "ten,  two  coming  on,"  etc.  Twenty  is  literally  "man  (or 
leg)  two ; "  thirty,  " man  (or  leg)  three, "  etc.  One  hundred  is  "finger-nail  one, " 
and  one  thousand  is  nowadays  rendered  as  "finger-nail  long  one,"  or  "one 
hundred  long." 


102  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 


RELIGION. 
RELIGIOUS  BELIEFS  AND  FOLK-LORE. 

In  treating  other  subjects  frequent  mention  has  been  made,  heretofore, 
of  various  religious  beliefs  connected  with  different  phases  of  life,  of  the  ideas 
which  the  Yuchi  hold  regarding  the  supernatural  realm,  and  how  they  main- 
tain their  relations  with  the  latter  by  means  of  rites  and  ceremonies.  An 
attempt  will  now  be  made  to  give  as  many  of  these  beliefs  as  could  be  gotten 
in  order  to  present  as  clearly  as  possible  an  idea  of  the  religious  life  of  the  tribe. 

In  the  earliest  mythological  time  about  which  anything  at  all  is  known, 
there  existed  only  a  certain  realm  of  water  and  air  called  yubahe,  'in  the  far 
heights. '  This  expanse  was  boundless  and  flat.  It  was  inhabited  by  beings 
who  lived  in  the  water  and  beings  who  lived  in  the  air.  Just  what  their  form 
was  is  not  known  for  all,  but  some  of  those  that  are  mentioned  have  animal 
names  and  show  animal  characteristics,  such  as  Crawfish,  Buzzard,  Panther, 
Spider,  etc.  In  other  respects,  however,  they  behaved  much  like  human 
beings.  That  many  mythical  animals  are  conceived  of  as  human  in  form  is 
indicated  by  the  use  of  the  particle  go,  'human,'  with  their  names.  Others, 
from  what  we  are  told,  who  bore  the  names  of  various  natural  objects  had  animal 
forms  too.  Among  these,  for  .instance,  are  Sun,  and  Moon.  It  would  seem, 
apparently,  that  the  interest  of  the  people  in  the  various  animals  had  deter- 
mined the  form  of  their  deity  concepts. 

Others  who  are  mentioned  only  by  name  may  have  been  anthropomorphic. 
Some  of  these,  for  instance,  are  Sun,  Tso,  Wind,  Wldd,,  Old  Woman,  Wanhane, 
Old  Man,  Gohane,  Iron  or  Metal  Man,  Gohanton6,  Gyatha',  the  cardinal 
points,  the  four  winds  and  others  who  seem  not  to  be  unlike  ordinary  human 
beings,  both  in  their  ideas  and  in  some  of  their  doings.  The  supreme  deity 
idea,  however,  seems  to  be  centered  in  Tso,  'Sun/  who  is  known,  as  far 
as  could  be  ascertained,  under  some  different  names,  among  them  'The  One 
who  is  Breath/1  and  'Makes  Indians'  being  frequent.  These  beings,  some  of 
them,  had  wives  and  children;  they  gamed,  traveled  about  on  the  hunt,  pro- 
created, evidently  made  war  and  had  gatherings  where  certain  peculiar  acts, 
which  we  might  call  rites,  were  performed.  In  short,  from  what  we  know 
of  this  mythical  period  of  the  supernatural  beings,  their  life  was  much  like  that 
which  the  Indians  lead,  except  that  death  was  non-existent.  There  were 
evidently  chiefs  among  these  beings  who,  in  a  general  way,  might  be  regarded 

1  Comparable  in  sense  to  the  Creek  supreme  deity  and  creator,  Hisdkidamlssi,  'Master 
of  Breath.' 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  103 

as  central  figures  in  mythology,  but  no  one  being  in  particular  is  mentioned 
as  such.  In  one  connection  Sun  is  evidently  chief,  in  another  Gohantone, 
though  the  matter  is  not  at  all  clear. 

The  social  gatherings  of  these  beings  should  be  mentioned  again,  on  account 
of  the  fact  that  what  was  done  at  such  times  by  the  supernatural  beings  was 
afterward  taught  to  human  beings  by  Sun,  when  the  present  earth  and  people 
were  created,  and  in  a  way,  was  dramatized  as  an  act  of  worship  by  the 
Indians.  It  seems  that  the  beings  used  to  assemble  at  the  Rainbow,  yusa',  and 
enact  various  peculiar  rites.  One  of  these  performances  was  to  scratch  the 
people  on  the  arm  or  breast  with  a  certain  instrument.  This  act  will  be  referred 
to  again  subsequently.  The  beings  evidently  had  dances  too  upon  their  Rain- 
bow assembly  ground. 

After  a  time,  it  appears  that  some  reason  for  change  took  possession  of  the 
supernatural  beings.  They  decided  to  make  another  realm,  an  earth.  Accord- 
ing to  the  account,  Crawfish  dove  to  the  bottom  of  the  waters  and  brought  up 
some  dirt  from  which  the  earth  was  made  and  from  which  it  grew  to  its  present 
size.  The  various  beings  then  took  part  in  modifying  the  form  of  the  earth,  and 
in  making  improvements  on  it.  Light  of  the  proper  sort  was  finally  secured, 
after  various  attempts  on  the  part  of  different  beings,  as  well  as  darkness  of  the 
right  intensity.  The  beings  all  seem  to  have  been  extremely  active  and  power- 
ful at  this  time,  for  they  did  various  things  to  each  other  which  left  permanent 
marks  upon  them,  which  their  descendants  who  still  reside  upon  the  earth 
retain.  For  instance,  the  chipmunk  wanted  to  have  night  brought  upon 
the  earth,  thus  angering  the  panther,  who  jumped  on  the  chipmunk  and 
scratched  his  back.  The  chipmunk  accordingly  bears  on  his  back  to  this  day 
the  marks  of  the  scars  he  received.  This  example  is  taken  simply  to  show  a 
typical  case  of  animal  exploits  in  what  might  be  termed  the  genesis  period. 

The  following  is  a  translation  of  the  myth  of  the  origin  of  the  earth : 

1.  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  EARTH. 

"Water  covered  the  face  of  the  earth.  Beneath  the  water  they  knew  there 
was  land,  but  they  knew  of  no  one  who  could  get  it.  The  flying  creatures  of 
the  air  were  baffled.  But  they  decided  to  get  something  to  help  them  find  it. 
The  swimming  creatures  in  the  waters  did  not  believe  it  could  be  done,  because 
they  knew  the  land  was  too  far  down.  So  they  doubted. 

Now  the  Crawfish  was  the  one  who  claimed  that  he  could  find  land.  He 
told  them  to  give  him  time.  He  told  them  to  look  for  him  in  four  days.  Then 
he  went  down,  and  soon  the  water  came  up  colored  with  mud.  Everyone 
knew  that  before  he  had  started  the  water  had  been  clear.  For  four  days  they 
waited;  on  the  fourth  day  the  Crawfish  came  up.  He  was  nearly  dead  when 
they  picked  him  up,  but  in  his  claws  they  saw  there  was  some  earth.  They 


104  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

carefully  picked  it  out.  Then  they  made  it  round  like  a  ball,  but  it  looked  very 
small.  Now  one  of  the  great  birds  had  long  claws,  and  when  that  bird 
lifted  up  his  leg,  they  threw  the  ball  of  earth  at  him.  And  when  it  struck  him, 
the  ball  splashed  and  spread  out,  but  it  was  very  thin.  That  is  where  the 
earth  was  made  in  the  beginning. 

Now  all  the  creatures  wanted  to  walk  on  it,  but  they  gave  instructions  that 
no  one  should  wa'k  on  it  yet.  For  four  days  it  lay  thus,  growing  larger  and 
larger.  Now  they  wanted  to  have  it  level.  So  they  called  for  someone.  The 
Buzzard  answered  and  said  that  he  would  go  over  the  earth  and  stretch  his 
wings.  That  is  the  way  he  would  make  it  level.  The  Buzzard  started,  when 
they  agreed  to  it,  but  he  had  not  gone  far  before  he  became  tired  of  stretching 
his  wings  so  much.  He  began  to  flutter  and  waver  a  great  deal.  On  account 
of  this  the  Buzzard  could  not  level  it  all.  And  that  is  what  made  the  mountain 
ridges.  Now  the  earth  was  made  and  they  occupied  it." 

I  also  give  the  account  of  the  creation  of  light  and  darkness,  to  furnish 
details  for  the  generalized  discussion. 

2.  ORIGIN  OF  LIGHT,  SUN,  MOON  AND  STARS. 

"  And  everywhere  was  darkness.  The  earth  had  been  made,  but  there  was 
no  light.  The  different  animals  gathered  together.  They  appointed  a  day  for 
deliberation,  to  decide  who  should  furnish  light  for  the  newly  made  earth. 
The  Panther  was  the  first.  They  appointed  him  to  give  light  because  he  runs 
backward  and  forward  in  the  heavens  from  one  end  to  the  other.  They  in- 
structed him  to  go  east  and  come  back.  So  he  ran  to  the  east  and  turned, 
crossed  the  heavens  and  went  down  in  the  west.  When  he  had  done  this  and 
returned  to  the  gathering  he  asked  if  it  was  all  right.  They  told  him  it  was  not. 
Then  they  appointed  another.  They  sent  the  Star  (spider).  Now  they  told 
the  Star  to  go  east  and  come  back.  The  Star  did  as  he  was  told.  He  made  a 
light  in  the  east  but  it  was  too  dim.  He  went  west  and  then  came  back  to  the 
gathering  and  asked  them  if  it  was  all  right.  Then  they  told  him, '  "No.  Your 
light  is  too  dim.'"  So  they  appointed  another.  They  appointed  the  Moon. 
They  told  the  Moon  to  go  east  then  come  back  through  the  sky  and  go  down  in 
the  west.  The  Moon  started  out  as  they  directed.  When  it  was  coming  back 
it  made  a  better  light  than  that  made  by  the  Star,  but  it  was  not  enough.  Then 
the  Moon  asked  if  it  would  do.  They  said  it  would  not.  Then  they  appointed 
another.  They  chose  the  Sun,  and  told  him  what  to  do.  When  the  Sun  came 
back  westward  it  gave  a  good  light,  and  when  it  went  down  it  was  all  right. 
So  the  Sun  was  appointed  to  light  the  earth,  and  he  gave  an  everlasting  light. 

Now  when  they  told  him  about  it,  the  Chipmunk  wanted  to  have  some 
night.  He  said  to  them: 


F.    G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  105 

'  "If  it  is  daylight  all  the  time,  persons  could  not  increase. "  '  He  said, '  "If 
there  is  night,  then  people  can  rest  from  their  work  and  procreate."  ' 

So  he  urged  in  favor  of  night.  They  agreed  with  him  in  part,  because  they 
saw  that  what  he  said  was  true.  And  night  came  in,  dividing  up  the  day. 
Then  when  it  was  dark  it  was  so  dark  that  persons  could  not  see  to  travel  or  to 
procreate.  And  they  saw  it  would  not  do  because  creatures  would  not  increase. 
So  they  put  the  Stars  (spiders)  and  the  Moon  in  with  the  night  to  enable  people 
to  see  enough  for  those  things,  and  it  was  all  right.  Thus  the  Chipmunk  had 
made  the  night  on  the  strength  of  his  own  senses,  and  they  agreed  and  allowed  it 
to  remain. 

When  they  said  that,  the  Panther  became  angry  and  jumped  upon  the 
Chipmunk  and  caught  him.  He  caught  him  by  the  neck  and  scratched  him  on 
the  back.  That  is  what  made  the  red  stripes  on  the  Chipmunk's  back,  which  he 
has  yet.  So  the  earth  was  lighted  by  the  sun,  moon  and  stars,  and  night  came 
in  too." 

At  some  time  not  far  removed  from  this  mythical  stage,  the  event  of  the 
creation  of  man  took  place.  Whether  this  was  during  or  after  the  creation  of 
the  earth  is  not  known.  At  any  rate,  as  explained  in  the  myth,  a  woman  in  a 
vague  way  became  the  mother  of  a  boy,  who  originated  from  a  drop  of  her  men- 
strual blood.  This  boy  she  carried  to  the  Rainbow  where  the  beings  were 
gathered,  and  he  was  scratched  by  them  as  \vas  customary.  After  several  excit- 
ing events  had  taken  place,  which  are  not  well  understood,  it  seems  that  the 
mother  was  driven  away  with  her  boy.  The  inference  is  that  the  mother  and 
son  then  fell  from  the  sky  to  the  earth.  Henceforth  he  was  called  Sun,  Tso,  and 
became  the  ancestor  of  a  new  race  upon  the  new  earth.  In  this  way  originated 
the  human  beings  who  called  themselves  Tso'yahd,  'Offspring  of  the  Sun.' 
Then  Sun  taught  his  people  certain  ceremonies,  which  were  to  be  performed  to 
protect  them  from  evil  influences,  and  to  honor  the  supernatural  beings  of  the 
realm  over  the  earth.  He  gave  them  two  plants,  f^dde',  button  snake  root 
(Eryngium  yuccaefolium)  and,  to  tcdla,  'red  root'  (Salix  tristis  (?)  ),  which 
they  were  to  steep  and  drink  during  the  ceremony,  to  purify  them.  He  in- 
structed them  in  the  scratching  rite,  which  he  had  undergone,  and  instituted  the 
practice,  at  the  same  time,  of  distributing  new  and  sacred  fire  once  a  year  at  the 
occasion  of  the  ceremonies,  among  the  different  human  households.  Sun  then 
enjoined  the  people  to  keep  up  the  dances  and  rites  he  had  taught  them,  say- 
ing that  once  a  year  he  would  soar  through  the  heavens  over  them  and  look 
down  to  see  if  they  Were  obeying.  He  conditioned  their  prosperity  upon  their 
obedience  and  left  them  after  giving  other  instructions  regarding  ceremonial 
details  and  features  of  town  life.  Among  other  things  he  showed  them  how 
to  make  an  assembly  ground  like  the  one  in  the  supernatural  world  and  taught 
them  how  to  decorate  this  to  symbolize  the  Rainbow.  As  there  are  some  details 


106  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

in  this  assembly  ground,  or  town  square  with  its  symbolism,  which  deserve 
attention,  it  will  be  taken  up  later  on.  The  ceremonies  which  were  begun  on 
earth  at  this  time  will  be  also  described  under  a  special  heading. 

It  should  be  mentioned  here  that  at  certain  times  since  the  origin  there 
have  been  born  individuals  with  a  very  dark  shade  of  skin.  These  black- 
skinned  Yuchi,  as  they  are  termed,  are  looked  upon  as  being  more  closely  related 
to  Sun  than  the  rest  of  the  people.  They  are  said  to  be  his  direct  offspring, 
their  mothers  having  become  pregnant  by  Sun.  As  no  particular  rank  is  given 
them,  however,  their  position  is  a  sort  of  empty  aristocracy.  Several  black- 
skinned  Yuchi  are  said  to  be  living  today,  but  I  have  not  been  fortunate  enough 
to  see  them. 

Here  are  several  translations  of  variants  of  the  origin  myth  which  has  just 
received  comment. 


3.  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  YUCHI  AND  THE  CEREMONIES. 

"  The  Sun  deity  was  in  her  menstrual  courses.  She  went  to  dip  up  some 
water  (up  in  the  sky  world).  She  went  down  to  the  creek.  Then  some  blood 
fell  on  the  ground.  She  looked  at  the  water.  When  she  reached  the  top  of  the 
hill  she  set  it  down.  She  thought  that  something  had  happened.  She  went  down 
the  hill  again.  A  small  baby  was  sitting  there.  She  took  it  along  with  her  and 
kept  it.  She  raised  it  and  it  grew.  That  was  an  Indian.  She  took  him  to  the 
Rainbow  where  the  others  were  and  he  was  scratched  and  it  was  the  ceremony 
at  the  square-ground.  In  the  ancient  time  he  was  scratched.  The  drops  of 
blood  fell  and  lay  on  the  ground.  She  placed  him  on  the  ground.  The  drops 
of  blood  were  lying  on  the  ground.  She  put  him  on  the  ground.  Then  she 
walked  away  from  the  square-ground  with  him,  going  toward  the  east.  She 
reached  the  edge  of  the  square.  Indians  came  along  following  them.  The 
lightning  struck  and  frightened  them.  It  drove  them  back.  The  Sun  mother 
went  on  home  with  the  boy.  Then  he  went  to  sleep.  As  he  grew  up  he  became 
lonesome.  He  had  no  one  to  play  with;  he  had  no  one  to  look  at.  He  was 
lonesome.  While  he  was  sleeping  and  lying  there,  his  mother  pulled  out  one  of 
his  ribs.  While  he  was  lying  there  she  took  it  out.  She  made  a  woman  out  of 
it.  Then  the  boy  awoke.  He  saw  her.  He  was  glad  now.  Then  they  multi- 
plied and  increased  in  numbers. 

The  Red  root  (to  tcald)  and  Button  Snake  root  tf*dde'}  standing  near, 
(which  had  been  used  when  the  boy  was  scratched  and  made  to  perform  the 
ceremony  among  the  sky  people),  she  told  him  to  use.  It  was  made  for  that  use. 
And  the  Yuchi  are  using  it  yet  just  as  he  told  them.  It  is  here  yet.  This  is 
his  medicine.  While  they  try  to  keep  up  the  ceremony  and  use  of  the  medicines 
God  (wetanA.')  goes  with  the  people.  Her  son  was  the  child  of  the  Sun,  that  is 
what  the  Yuchi  are  named,  Children  of  the  Sun. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  107 

On  that  day  no  trouble  comes  to  the  people  when  they  have  taken  the 
medicines.  When  the  Sun  comes  up  he  looks  down  to  see  if  they  are  doing  the 
ceremonies.  If  he  comes  up  high  here  and  sees  no.  Indians  performing  the 
ceremonies  on  the  earth  at  high  noon,  he  would  stop.  He  would  cry.  It  would 
be  the  end  of  peacefulness.  The  Sun  would  cover  his  face  with  his  hands  and  go 
down  again  in  the  east.  Then  it  would  become  dark  and  the  end.  It  has  been 
declared  so.  This  is  what  we  heard  in  the  past." 

4.  ORIGIN  OF  THE  YUCHI.     (SECOND  VERSION.) 

"  There  was  a  Sun  and  there  was  a  Moon.  Then  the  Moon  was  in  her  men- 
strual courses.  When  she  got  up,  a  drop  of  the  blood  fell  from  her  and  de- 
scended to  the  earth.  The  Sun  saw  it.  He  secured  it  and  wrapped  it  up,  laying 
it  away  thus  for  four  days.  On  the  fourth  day  he  went  and  got  it,  and  un- 
wrapped it.  When  the  bundle  was  opened,  he  saw  that  it  had  turned  into  a 
human  being.  Then  he  said: 

'  "  You  are  my  son.  You  shall  be  called  Tsoyahd. "  '  And  he  gave  him  the 
name  Tsoyahd,  Sun  people  or  Offspring  of  the  Sun.  From  him  all  the  Yuchi 
had  their  origin. 

Now  his  descendants  increased  until  they  became  a  powerful  people. 
They  are  weakening  now,  but  if  they  ever  disappear  from  the  earth  a  terrible 
thing  will  happen.  For  the  Sun  said: 

'  "If  the  Yuchi  perish,  I  will  not  face  this  world.  I  will  turn  my  face  away, 
and  there  will  be  darkness  upon  the  earth,  and  it  will  even  be  the  last  of  the 
earth.'" 

.  So  it  will  come  to  pass  if  all  the  Yuchi  die  out.  But  now  there  are  certain 
Yuchi  who  are  known  to  be  sons  of  this  Sun.  Whenever  one  of  them  dies  the 
Sun  turns  his  face  away  from  the  earth  for  a  little  while.  That  accounts  for  the 
eclipse.  These  Yuchi  may  be  known  by  the  color  of  their  skin,  which  is  nearly 
black.  The  black-skinned  Yuchi  are  the  Sun's  sons.  There  are  a  few  living 
now." 

In  tracing  this  mythical  history  of  the  Yuchi  we  have  now  reached  the 
period  when  human  beings  and  the  other  animals  seem  to  have  been  on  close 
terms  of  intimacy  on  the  earth.  Everywhere  magic  was  in  operation. 
Animals  often  acted  in  a  most  offhand  manner,  from  that  moment  the  act 
becoming  a  rule  on  earth,  or  the  result  of  the  act  becoming  a  natural  fixity. 
Some  specimen  accounts  will  be  given  later. 

A  trickster  appears  among  the  animal  beings  by  the  name  of  Rabbit. 
There  are  other  tricksters  too,  but  Rabbit  is  the  chief  figure  among  them.  This 
period  is  thought,  roughly  speaking,  to  have  directly  preceded  the  present  one. 
There  are  many  myths  relating  the  deeds  of  animals  and  human  beings  which 
are  concerned  with  magic.  The  details  of  the  magical  transformations  and 


108  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

exploits  of  the  earthly  beings  are  a  little  too  extensive  to  discuss  here,  but  will 
be  found  further  on  under  mythology. 

Toward  the  end  of  this  period,  in  short,  the  things  of  the  earth  and  the 
affairs  of  human  beings  take  on  a  more  modern  aspect.  Many  new  things  are 
originated.  Death  is  brought  to  man  by  the  disobedience  of  someone. 
Tobacco  is  originated  from  human  semen.  Other  Indian  tribes  are  brought 
into  existence.  Fire  is  secured  and  distributed  among  the  people  by  Rabbit, 
and  various  other  cultural  features  of  human  life,  as  well  as  characteristic  traits 
among  animals,  are  brought  into  existence.  Some  representatives  of  this 
class  of  myths  will  be  given  at  the  end  of  the  discussion  of  mythology. 

Up  to  this  point  we  have  only  attempted  to  deal  with  the  beliefs  concerned 
with  the  supernatural  beings,  and  with  the  native  concepts  of  origin  and  trans- 
formation. Some  of  the  beliefs  in  connection  with  customs  and  rites  will  now  be 
taken  up.  It  has  already  been  stated,  under  customs,  that  the  newly  born  child 
is  believed  to  be  the  reincarnation  of  its  predecessors.  And  it  was  shown,  at  the 
same  time,  that  the  reincarnated  spirits  revived  in  the  children  the  qualities 
which  they  possessed  during  their  lives.  The  abode  of  the  spirits  of  the  dead  is 
in  the  sky  world  or  the  supernatural  world.  The  path  to  this  lies  over  the  rain- 
bow, and  the  direction  to  be  traveled  is  eastward.  When  the  soul  has  passed  the 
obstacle  of  the  swaying  cloud,  which  is  likely  to  crush  the  journeying  soul  and 
destroy  it,  it  joins  with  the  other  spirits  and  supernatural  beings  inhabiting 
this  realm.  One  of  the  supernatural  beings,  Wanhane,  Old  Woman,  has  charge 
over  the  souls  here  and  in  some  way  is  thought  to  control  re-birth  and  the  return 
of  souls  to  earth.  There  is  mention  in  one  of  the  myths  of  some  men  who 
traveled  to  Old  Woman  and  at  last  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  souls  of  their  dead 
wives,  returning  to  earth  with  them.  It  has  also  been  shown  how  the  different 
individuals  of  the  clans  inherited  th/  protection  of  their  clan  totems,  when  they 
passed  the  initiation  rites,  thenceforth  retaining  these  as  protectors  through 
life.  As  the  members  of  clans  are  considered  to  be  the  descendants  of  their 
totemic  animal,  they  are  in  a  sense  the  cousins,  as  it  might  be  expressed,  of  the 
earthly  animals  who  are  also  descendants  of  the  supernatural  animals.  The 
clan  taboos  and  incidental  beliefs  need  not  be  repeated  again  here  as  they  have 
been  mentioned  in  dealing  with  customs  and  the  clans.  But  the  animals  of  the 
earth,  in  general,  are  considered  as  thinking  beings,  with  interests  in  life, 
customs  and  feelings  not  unlike  those  of  men.  Even  today  these  mutual 
elements  in  the  lives  of  men  and  animals  are  felt  to  exist.  But  naturally  in 
the  mythical  age  the  two  were  more  nearly  on  the  same  level  than  now.  For, 
they  say,  it  is  very  seldom  nowadays  that  men  and  animals  can  converse 
together.  A  few  random  tales  referring  to  such  instances  of  recent  intercommu- 
nication, however,  are  as  follows. 

An  old  and  decrepit  Indian  told  the  story.  He  was  complaining  about  his 
infirmities,  squeaking  voice,  and  shrunken  form.  He  said,  "I  was  going 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  109 

along  on  my  pony  late  in  the  afternoon.  Pretty  soon  I  came  to  what  was  like  a 
large  rock.  I  heard  a  voice  from  somewhere  say,  "  'It  smells  just  as  though  there 
was  an  old  woman  riding  around  here. '  "  I  looked  up  and  saw  a  big  rattlesnake 
sitting  on  the  rock,  coiled.  His  neck  was  as  thick  as  a  man's  neck.  He  was 
looking  right  at  me. " 

An  outlaw,  who  was  hiding  from  the  vengeance  of  the  relatives  of  the 
man  whom  he  had  murdered,  became  very  hungry.  He  rode  up  to  a  house  and 
was  going  to  ask  for  food.  First  he  crept  through  a  cornfield  near  the  cabin,  to 
see  if  the  way  was  safe.  While  lying  between  the  furrows  there,  he  heard  two 
hens  talking.  They  were  casting  glances  at  him.  He  listened  to  what  they 
were  saying.  They  chuckled  a  little,  then  one  said,  "Isn't  that  the  fellow  who  is 
scouting  around  here  for  having  killed  somebody?"  The  outlaw  got  out. 

The  animals  are  all  believed  to  have  their  protecting  supernatural  kins- 
men as  well  as  men,  for  that  reason  in  hunting  them  their  protecting  spirits 
have  to  be  overcome  before  one  can  hope  to  bring  them  down.  It  is  the  same 
with  human  beings.  If  one's  guardian  spirit  is  all  right  no  harm  can  come. 
So  in  warfare,  the  idea  is  to  strengthen  one's  own  guardian  kinsman  spirit  and 
to  weaken  the  enemy's.  In  this  respect  hunting  and  fishing  are  much  like  war- 
fare. The  magic  songs  and  formulas  fight  the  supernatural  struggle  and  open 
the  way,  while  the  actual  weapons  do  the  xvork  when  the  spiritual  barriers  are 
removed. 

As  regards  the  objects  in  nature  in  general  which  surround  them,  the  Yuchi 
have  the  usual  animistic  concepts  so  characteristic  of  the  beliefs  of  nearly  all 
primitive  people.  Inanimate  objects,  and  even  abstract  ideas  such  as  cardinal 
points  and  various  feelings  and  deeds,  are  the  abodes  of  agencies  which  we  may 
call  spirits.  These  may  be  either  favorable  or  unfavorable  to  men,  their  in- 
fluence being  believed  to  be  largely  controlled  by  man's  personal  conduct  in  the 
observance  of  taboos  and  in  the  performance  of  the  rituals  and  ceremonies. 
Plant  spirits  are  highly  powerful  and  important,  according  to  the  ideas  of  an 
agricultural  people  like  this,  and  we  shall  find  them  to  be  quite  prominent 
objects  of  worship  in  the  ceremonies. 

The  sacred  number  standing  out  prominently  in  religious  matters  will  be 
seen  to  be  the  number  four.  Five  appears  less  frequently. 

FOLKLORE. — Here  are  a  few  miscellaneous  beliefs  which  were  recorded  in 
regard  to  the  natural,  supernatural,  and  animal  world.  They  are  given  about 
as  they  were  told  by  the  Indians. 

"If  a  terrapin  in  his  travels  walks  around  a  big  tree  it  is  a  very  bad  thing 
for  him.  He  will  dry  up.  That's  why  they  never  do  it." 

"The  thunder  or  rain  kills  snakes.  When  a  storm  comes  up  they  must  all 
go  back  into  the  ground.  If  they  do  not,  they  will  be  killed.  So  if  they  are 
killing  a  calf  (sic !)  or  anything,  they  must  leave  it  as  soon  as  it  begins  to  thunder 
or  rain." 


110  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

'  "When  wild  turkeys  gobble  the  lightning  bugs  come  up  out  of  their  crops. 
They  are  like  little  white  things  (maggots)  before  they  come  out." 

The  stars  are  all  spiders. 

Regarding  the  eclipse  they  say: — "The  toad  starts  to  eat  up  the  moon. 
Then  he  gets  big.  The  moon  diminishes.  But  we  frighten  him  away  and  after 
that  the  moon  recovers  and  gets  big." 

One  informant  stated  that  thunder  and  lightning  are  caused  by  a  great 
black  snake  with  rattles  on  its  tail.  A  being  named  Konsd  nonwl',  the  meaning 
of  which  is  uncertain,  rides  on  its  back.  The  snake  dives  in  and  out  of  the  water. 
At  each  flash  of  its  wet  sides  there  is  lightning  and  when  it  rattles  there  is 
thunder. 

"There  was  a  big  water  vessel  in  the  sky.  Someone  jerked  it  and  spilled 
the  water  over  its  edge.  That  is  what  made  the  rain." 

"Someone  (a  supernatural  agency)  in  the  north  was  trying  to  do  something. 
He  put  some  corn  meal  into  a  sifting  basket  and  sprinkled  it  through.  When 
this  falls  upon  this  earth  it  is  snow." 

"When  the  rainbow  stretches  across  the  sky  the  rain  is  prevented  from  fall- 
ing through.  This  stops  the  rain  and  brings  dry  weather." 

When  threatened  with  a  drought  they  believe  that  the  people  could  cause 
rain  to  fall  if  they  made  medicine  and  took  an  emetic. 

Earthquakes  are  believed  to  be  caused  by  a  being  who  lives  in  the  bowels 
of  the  earth.  He  sometimes  shakes  and  jerks  the  earth  to  find  out  how  much 
water  there  remains  on  it. 

Twins  and  deformed  or  abnormal  children  are  believed  to  be  sent  directly 
by  the  supernatural  beings  to  be  guides  to  the  people.  They  were  never  killed 
but  were  treated  with  care  and  raised  for  the  public  good.  It  is  also  said  that 
when  twins  arc  born  in  the  town  it  is  a  sign  from  the  supernatural  beings  that 
they  want  to  see  the  people  improve  in  the  performance  of  their  religious  rites. 

Little  people  like  dwarfs  are  believed  to  inhabit  certain  places  in  the  dense 
woods.  They  are  the  souls  of  bad  people  who  die,  and  they  possess  the  power 
of  killing  those  who  either  accidentally  or  deliberately  intrude  upon  their  haunts. 

When  a  man  sneezes,  the  belief  is  that  his  beloved  is  thinking  about  him. 
Likewise  when  a  woman  sneezes  it  is  a  sign  that  her  lover  is  thinking  about  her. 

Warts  on  the  skin,  or  moles,  indicate  that  there  is  too  much  blood  or  bad 
blood  in  the  body.  A  person  having  them  is  said  to  need  scratching  until  the 
blood  flows.  Moles  come  from  bad  food,  too. 

"When  the  coyotes  or  wolves  howl  it  is  a  sign  that  snow  or  rain  is  coming. 
They  can  feel  when  a  storm  is  approaching,  and  because  they  don't  like  it  they 
start  howling." 

A  certain  kind  of  fish  called  "drumfish"  is  believed  to  have  two  stones  in 
the  back  of  its  head,  with  which  it  makes  a  thumping  noise  frequently  heard 
coming  from  the  water  when  everything  is  quiet. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  Ill 

THE  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  TOWN  SQUARE. 

We  shall  now  return  again  to  the  subject  of  the  town  square  because  the 
religious  ceremonies  to  be  described  in  the  following  pages  are  inseparably 
connected  with  it. 

The  public  square-ground,  where  all  civil  and  religious  events  of  the  town  take 
place,  has  a  symbolical  significance  which  is  quite  important,  and  comparable 
in  some  respects  to  the  altars  and  shrines  of  the  southwestern  and  plains  tribes. 

In  its  ceremonial  aspect  the  town  square  is  symbolically  a  rainbow.  For, 
according  to  the  myth  of  the  origin  of  the  Yuchi  and  their  cult,  as  already 
given,  the  mother  of  the  Sun  took  him  to  the  ceremony  of  the  upper  world  where 
he  was  scratched.  This  took  place  on  the  Rainbow,  yiFa',  so  the  present 
square-ground  is  called  'yifid','  'rainbow.' 

The  officials  at  the  ceremonies  are  hence  called  yusahobdlen,  'rainbow 
or  square-ground  Chief '  and  yuKdhosanfba, '  rainbow  or  square-ground  Warrior.' 
The  square  might  well  be  termed  a  rainbow  shrine.  Another  name  for  the 
square  is  sansanf,  'thoroughly  beautiful'  or  'good  all  over.' 

While  investigations  were  being  made  in  regard  to  the  square-ground,  the 
assistant  of  the  town  chief  brought  in  a  colored  representation  of  it  showing 
how  the  square  looked  when  it  was  formally  arranged  for  the  ceremonies.  This 
sketch  is  reproduced  in  Plate  XI.  The  explanation  of  the  colors  is  as  follows : 
The  whole  figure  represents  the  rainbow.  The  brown  square  represents  the 
earth.  The  fire  in  the  center  typifies  the  sun  and  is  painted  red.  The  ashes 
are  represented  by  yellow.  The  three  yellow  lines  are  paths  to  the  north,  west 
and  south  lodges  respectively,  are  likewise  composed  of  ashes  scattered  by  the 
four  yatcigl'  after  the  new  fire  has  been  started  on  the  first  day  of  the  rites. 
This  feature  is  now  obsolete.  The  logs  of  the  new  fire  are  green,  symbolizing 
vegetation.  The  brush  roofs  of  the  lodges  are  also  green. 

It  will  be  noticed-  that  the  Warrior  lodges,  north  and  south  side,  have  their 
uprights  and  beams  colored  red.  This  color  symbolizes  the  Warrior  class  and 
war  which  they  represent.  The  custom  of  coloring  the  posts  is  also  now  ob- 
solete. The  Chief  lodge  lacks  this  coloring.  As  will  be  seen  in  the  photo- 
graphs of  the  ceremonies  (Plate  XII,  et  seq.},  a  white  face  is  given  to  these 
upright  posts  in  modern  times,  by  peeling  off  part  of  the  outer  bark  and  expos- 
ing the  white  inner  surface.  White  is  symbolical  of  peace. 

The  serpent  figure  lying  before  the  north  Warrior  lodge  is  the  datosd',  a 
supernatural  horned  serpent,  and  the  object  of  veneration  in  the  DatcPa'  ctl, 
now  called  Big  Turtle  Dance.  This  stuffed  deerskin  effigy  was  colored  blue, 
with  two  yellow  horns  on  its  head.  It  rested  in  former  times  before  the  north 
Warrior  lodge  where  the  two  Warrior  officials,  gocont  and  yuzdkosanrba,  sat  with 
their  feet  upon  it,  but  its  use  has  been  abandoned. 

Something  should  be  said  here  of  the  other  meaning  of  the  word  yiisdf. 
Besides  meaning  rainbow,  it  stands  for  'big  house.'  This  we  find  to  be  the 


113  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    I. 

name  given  by  the  neighboring  Creek  Indians  to  their  town  square  (djogo  Idkko, 
big  house).1 

If  any  credence  is  to  be  given  to  the  statements  of  the  Yuchi  in  this  matter, 
the  Creeks  borrowed  nearly  the  whole  of  the  annual  ceremonies  of  the  Yuchi 
when  they  overran  the  Southeast,  subduing  and  incorporating  the  latter.  The 
modern  Creeks,  however,  although  recognizing  the  general  similarity  between 
their  ceremonies  and  those  of  the  Yuchi,  do  not  subscribe  to  this  opinion  but 
claim  an  independent  supernatural  source  for  them. 

CEREMONIES. 

The  ceremonies,  which  according  to  tradition  originated  in  the  other  world 
and  were  taught  to  the  first  Indians  by  Sun,  consist  of  various  religious  rites 
performed  in  public  by  all  the  men  of  the  town  once  a  year.  The  rites  include 
dancing,  fasting,  the  observance  of  certain  taboos,  the  kindling  of  a  new  and 
sacred  fire,  the  scarification  of  men,  the  taking  of  an  emetic  and  the  perform- 
ance of  the  ball  game.  The  ceremony  as  a  whole  was  called,  Yusdhe/,  'In  the 
rainbow, '  or  'In  the  big  house. '  The  time  for  these  ceremonies  is  determined 
by  the  state  of  maturity  of  the  corn  crop.  They  are  begun  so  as  to  coincide 
with  its  first  ripening,  usually  about  the  middle  or  early  part  of  July.  It 
would  seem  from  this  that  the  importance  of  agriculture  as  a  feature  of  life 
had  determined  the  time  for  the  town's  discharge  of  its  religious  obligations. 
As  far  as  is  possible  the  time  is  also  arranged  so  as  to  fall  upon  nights  when 
the  moon  is  full.  This  matter  rests  entirely  in  the  hanels  of  the  town  chief. 
He  distributes  bundles  of  tally  sticks,  one  to  be  thrown  away  each  day  (Fig. 
37),  to  the  heads  of  families. 

DANCES. — The  special  dances,  ctl,  performed  by  the  Yuchi  are  quite  nume- 
rous. A  fairly  large  number  are  primarily  clan  dances,  having  for  their  object 
the  placation  of  clan  totems.  The  dancers  imitate  the  motions  of  the  totemic 
animal  with  their  bodies  and  arms.  The  steps,  however,  are  not  subject  to 
much  variation.  The  dancer  inclines  his  body  forward,  gesticulating  with  his 
arms  according  to  the  occasion,  and  raises  first  one  foot  then  the  other  slightly 
above  the  ground,  bringing  them  down  flat  at  each  step  with  vigor.  In  this 
way  the  dancers  in  single  file  circle  contra-clockwise  about  the  fire  in  the  center 
of  the  square.  The  whole  is  done  in  a  sort  of  run,  the  acoustic  effect  being  a 
regularly  timed  stamping  sound.  The  dances  are  accompanied  by  singing  on 
the  part  of  all  the  men  dancing,  and  by  musical  instruments  of  several  different 
varieties,  namely,  terrapin  shell  rattles  (PI.  VII),  drum  (Fig.  32)  and  hand 
rattle  (PI.  VII).  Both  the  music  and  the  instruments  have  been  briefly  de- 
scribed before.  A  few  other  ceremonial  paraphernalia  used  particularly  in 


1  Cf.  the  Creek  Indians  of  Taskigi  Town,  Speck,  in  Memoirs  of  American  Anthro- 
pological Association,  Vol.  II,  part  2,  p.  112. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  113 

the  dances  will  be  described  soon.  As  a  rule  all  men  may  take  part  in  any 
dance.  But  in  most  of  the  dances  only  certain  women  are  admitted  from  the 
beginning  and  they  are  provided  with  the  bunch  of  terrapin  shell  rattles, 
tsontd,  (PI.  VII)  which  are  fastened  to  their  legs.  During  the  last  half  of  the 
dance,  however,  the  exclusive  feeling  leaves,  and  women,  children  and  even 
strangers  may  join  in.  It  is  understood,  though,  that  when  a  certain  dance  is 
being  performed,  for  instance  the  Tortoise  dance,  the  members  of  that  clan  are 
in  the  position  of  hosts  to  the  others,  taking  pride  in  having  them  dance  the 
dance  to  their  totem. 

The  dance  songs  consist  chiefly  in  the  repetition  of  meaningless  syllables 
or  groups  of  syllables.  A  great  deal  of  magic  potency  is  believed  to  rest  in 
mere  words  and  burdens.  Sometimes,  however,  an  intelligible  stanza  or 
sentence  appears  having  some  vague  reference  to  the  object  of  the  dance,  or 
simply  naming  it.  The  feeling  of  the  dancers  seems  to  be  that  they  are  for  the 
time  in  the  actual  form  of  the  totem,  and  they  carry  out  in  quite  a  realistic  way 
the  effect  of  the  imitation  entirely  by  their  motions  and  behavior.  No  imitative 
costumes  nor  masks  are  used  now,  nor  could  it  be  ascertained  whether  they 
ever  existed.  They  imitate  very  well,  however,  the  cries  of  the  animals  which 
are  being  dramatized. 

Besides  those  dances  WThich  are  functionally  clan  dances,  there  are  others 
which  are  addressed,  as  a  form  of  worship  and  placation,  to  various  animals 
which  furnish  their  flesh  or  parts  for  the  use  of  man.  Then  there  are  also  others 
which  are  directed  to  the  spirits  of  animals  which  have  the  power  of  inflicting 
sickness,  trouble  or  death  upon  the  people.  These  are  imitative,  similar  in 
general  appearance  to  those  already  described.  The  spirits  dominating  certain 
inanimate  objects  are  invoked  in  others. 

Lastly,  we  find  a  miscellaneous  few  which  are  claimed  to  be  chiefly  danced 
for  pleasure.  There  has  no  doubt  been  considerable  borrowing  going  on  among 
the  Indians  and  local  interpretations  may  have  been  given  to  various  dances 
different  from  their  original  ones. 

Most  of  the  dances  are  performed  at  night,  thus  filling  in  the  time  of  the 
ceremonies  with  constant  activity. 

A  list  of  these  special  dances,  and  the  instruments  used  in  them, is  here 
given. 

Dance.  Musical  Instrument. 

Ba'ta'  ctl    Horse  dance Rattle,  drum. 

Wedlnen  cil Cow         "     ? 

Wedlngd  ctl Buffalo    "     Rattle,  drum. 

DatoW  Turtle      "     Rattle. 

Ciicpdctl Pike         "     Rattle,  drum. 

Cudfdctl   Catfish     "     Rattle,  drum. 

Spansl'  ctl Quail       "     Rattle. 


114 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 


.Rattle. 
.Rattle,  drum. 
.Rattle,  drum. 
.Rattle,  drum. 
.Rattle. 
? 

.Rattle,  drum. 
? 

Firearms. 


Dance.  Musical  Instrument. 

WetcW  ctl Turkey  dance ? 

Kydnr  ctl Owl  "     

YAntl'  ctl Buzzard     "     

WetcW  ctl, Chicken     "     

Cane'  ctl Duck          "     

Ssoldnf  ctl Lizard        "     

WetsakowA."'  ctl Opossum    "     

DjdtiA."'  ctl Raccoon    "     

YusA.nfctl Skunk        "     

YaFa'  ctl Gun  "     

Gocpl'  ctl Negro        "     ? 

Yacd  ctl Leaf          "     Rattle. 

lakd  ctl Feather  or  Corn  dance Two  rattles. 

Tseben  bene  ctl Crazy  or  Drunken  dance  ....  Rattle. 

Yonctd  ctl Shawnee  dance Drum. 

FASTING  AND  TABOOS. — Fasting  and  the  observance  of  certain  taboos  are 
special  features  of  the  annual  ceremony.  From  the  beginning  of  the  event  no 
salt  is  to  be  used  by  anyone.  Sexual  communication  is  also  tabooed.  A  general 
fast  must  be  kept  by  all  the  men  for  twelve  hours  before  taking  the  emetic,  that 
their  systems  may  be  the  more  receptive  to  purging.  During  the  second  day  of 
the  ceremony  the  men  may  not  leave  the  town  square,  nor  are  they  permitted  to 
sleep  or  lean  their  backs  against  any  support  when  tired.  For  the  purpose  of 
enforcing  this  the  four  young  initiates  are  provided  with  poles  to  strike  offenders 
with.  On  the  second  day  also  no  women,  dogs  or  strangers  may  step  over  the 
edge  into  the  square,  the  women  and  dogs  under  pain  of  being  struck  by  the 
initiates  and  strangers  under  pain  of  being  staked  out  naked  in  its  middle. 
The  thoughts  of  the  people,  too,  are  expected  to  be  turned  toward  supernatural 
things  in  order  to  please  the  various  spirits. 

NEW  FIRE  RITE. — The  new  fire  rite  performed  at  sunrise  of  the  second 
day,  is  symbolic  of  a  new  period  of  life  for  the  tribe.  As  far  as  could  be 
learned,  the  fires  of  the  various  household  hearths  are  not  extinguished  as 
among  the  Creeks,  since  the  kindling  of  the  new  fire  by  the  town  chief  is 
symbolical  of  this  and  suffices  for  all.  The  ceremonial  method  of  starting 
this  fire  was  explained  before,  so  it  need  not  be  repeated.  The  logs  in  the 
center  of  the  square-ground  were  ignited  from  the  fire  started  in  the  punk  and 
kept  burning  until  the  ceremony  is  over,  by  the  proper  official.  The  firemak- 
ing  implements  were  kept  in  a  bag  which  hung  during  the  ceremony,  along 
with  the  rattles  when  not  in  use,  on  the  middle  post  at  the  front  of  the  town 
chief's  lodge,  just  over  where  he  sat. 


F.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  115 

SCARIFICATION. — The  next  rite  to  be  performed  in  public  after  the  kindling 
of  the  fire  is  the  scarification  of  the  males.  Every  male  in  the  town  is 
expected  to  come  before  two  pots  of  steeped  medicinal  plants,  the  f-ade* , 
button  snake  root,  and  to  tcald,  red  root,  and  be  scratched  by  a  certain  official 
on  the  arm  or  breast,  allowing  the  blood  to  flow  and  drop  upon  the  square- 
ground.  There  is  an  analogy  between  this  earthly  human  ceremony  and  that 
enacted  by  the  beings  of  the  sky  world.  In  the  same  way  that  Sun  was  taken 
to  the  rainbow  and  scratched  till  his  blood  fell  upon  the  ground,  do  the  Yuchi 
bring  themselves  and  their  male  children  to  have  their  blood  drawn.  It  seems 
to  be  regarded  as  a  form  of  torture  and  induration  to  pain.  The  falling  of 
their  blood  upon  the  square-ground  is  symbolical  of  the  falling  of  the  mother- 
of-Sun's  blood  upon  the  ground,  from  which  the  first  Yuchi  was  created.  There 
is  another  side  to  this  scratching  ceremony.  It  is  also  a  purgative.  The 
instrument  used  in  it  consists  of  a  quill  fastened  to  a  piece  of  the  leaf  of  ^ade', 
one  of  the  sacred  plants,  set  with  six  pins,  or,  as  was  formerly  done,  with  gar- 
fish teeth  (Fig.  40).  This  scratcher  is  dipped  in  a  pot  containing  a  brew 
of  the  sacred  plants  before  each  male  is  scratched.  Thus  he  is  inoculated 
with  the  sacred  plant  juices  and  his  blood  is  purified  by  them  against 
sickness. 

THE  EMETIC. — The  next  and  perhaps  the  most  important  rite  of  the  occa- 
sion is  the  taking  of  an  emetic  by  all  the  males  of  the  town.  This  practice 
was  also  instituted  by  Sun.  He  gave  the  people  two  plants,  f^dde'  and  to  tcald, 
as  is  recorded  in  the  myth,  and  showed  them  how  to  steep  them  in  water.  He 
instructed  them  to  drink  the  concoction  to  purify  their  bodies  against  sickness 
during  the  ensuing  inter-ceremonial  year.  It  is  thought,  in  particular,  that 
to  eat  the  first  corn  of  the  season  without  having  taken  the  emetic  would  cer- 
tainly result  in  sickness  inflicted  by  the  unappeased  deities.  The  town  chief 
has  charge  of  the  preparation  of  the  emetic,  aided  by  the  four  boy  initiates. 
The  pots  containing  the  concoction  are  of  a  special  form  with  a  decoration 
on  the  rim  representing  the  sun  (Fig.  31,  No.  21).  These  pots  stand  during  the 
ceremony,  east  of  the  fire  near  the  center  of  the  square  (see  diagram,  Fig.  38). 
When  the  sun  is  about  at  the  zenith  those  who  are  highest  in  rank  came 
forward,  facing  the  east,  and  drink  quantities  of  the  medicine.  They  are 
followed  by  the  rest  lower  in  rank  and  so  on.  Four  at  a  time  are  allowed  to 
drink.  Then  all  await  the  effects  quietly  in  their  proper  places  in  the  lodges. 
The  proper  moment  arriving,  they  proceed  to  a  space  near  the  square  and 
allow  the  emetic  to  have  its  full  effect.  The  rite  is  repeated  several  times. 
After  this  all  the  townsmen  go  to  water,  wash  off  their  paint  and  return  to 
their  places  about  the  square. 

The  ceremony  of  the  emetic  is  concluded  with  a  feast  of  the  first  corn  and 
smoking.  After  this  the  ball  game  is  played  with  betting.  This  event  has 
been  described  under  the  heading  of  games.  Dancing  again  fills  in  the  in- 


116  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    I. 

tervening  time  until  another  round  of  the  medicine  drinking  was  performed. 
The  ceremonies  were  then  concluded. 

Possibly  the  main  object  of  the  annual  festival  is  the  placation  of  every 
possible  animus.  Obedience  to  the  commands  of  Sun  was  also  highly  con- 
sidered as  a  matter  of  importance.  Other  objects  of  the  ceremonies  are,  as 
explained,  to  turn  the  public  attention  to  spiritual  affairs  for  a  time,  away 
from  everyday  pursuits.  All  the  potentially  malicious  spirits  and  animal, 
fish  and  vegetable  spirits  are  propitiated  or  thanked  as  the  case  might  be. 
And  all  personal  grievances  among  townsmen  are  declared  cancelled  after  the 
emetic  had  been  taken.  They  furthermore  state  that  the  scratching  and 
the  emetic  teach  the  men  to  inure  themselves  to  pain  and  discomfort.  Both 
rites  were  practiced  before  going  to  war. 

Captives  were,  it  is  said,  sometimes  burnt  to  death  as  sacrifices  to  the 
supernatural  brings  during  the  ceremonies.  In  recent  times  a  stake  was 
erected  in  the  southeast  corner  of  the  square  at  the  beginning  of  the  event, 
to  represent  the  place  where  captives  were  thus  treated.  After  the  emetic  is 
over  this  stake  is  thrown  down. 

The  foregoing  account  is  a  very  general  one.  A  more  detailed  account 
of  the  ceremonial  performances  as  witnessed  by  me  several  times  will  now  be 
given.  They  were  performed  at  the  Sand  Creek  settlement,  where  there  is  a 
square-ground,  in  July,  1904,  and  July,  1905.  The  photographs  were  made 
during  the  1905  celebration.  There  is  some  difference  in  detail  between  the 
ceremonies  of  Sand  Creek  town  and  Polecat  town.  The  one  here  recorded  is 
entirely  that  of  Sand  Creek  town,  which  has  since  discontinued  its  celebration 
on  account  of  disorder  and  violence  among  the  young  men,  due  to  intoxica- 
tion.1 A  few  features  of  the  Polecat  celebration  which  are  based  on  description, 
will  also  be  given  as  they  seem  to  have  been  left  off  by  the  other  settlement. 
It  may  frequently  be  necessary  to  repeat  something  that  has  already  been 
mentioned,  but  this  is  done  intentionally  in  order  to  give  the  details  of  the 
particular  case  and  make  the  account  of  the  actual  occurrences  more  uniform. 

THE  ANNUAL  TOWN  CEREMONIES. 

The  following  account  of  the  annual  ceremony  of  the  Sand  Creek  Yuchi 
is  based  upon  notes  made  at  the  time,  and  upon  incidental  information  derived 
from  participants.  It  deals  chiefly  with  the  1905  celebration  although  there 
was  no  appreciable  difference  between  that  of  1904  and  the  event  of  1905. 

THE  PRELIMINARY  DAY. — According  to  the  evidences  of  maturity  ob- 
servable in  the  corn  in  the  neighboring  fields,  and  the  approaching  phase  of  the 
moon,  the  town  chief  or  head  priest  (Jim  Brown)  appointed  and  announced, 

1  In  1908,  on  my  last  visit,  I  learned  that  the  chiefs  had  decided  to  continue  the 

ceremonies  as  usual. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCIII    INDIANS.  117 

to  the  townspeople  scattered  throughout  the  neighboring  district,  a  day  of 
general  assembly,  at  which  small  bundles  of  sticks  about  two  inches  in  length 
(Fig.  37)  were  distributed  to  the  heads  of  families.  The  number  of  sticks  in  the 
bundles  indicated  the  number  of  days  that  should  pass  before  the  ceremonies 
would  take  place.  The  day  had  already  been  decided  upon  by  the  chief  and  was 
announced  at  this  preliminary  meeting.  A  stick  was  thrown  away  each  morn- 
ing thereafter  until  but  one  remained,  and  that  was  the  day  of  the  next  assembly 
at  the  public  square.  Dancing  took  place  at  this  meeting  to  give  a  little  practice 
to  the  men,  as  they  said.  Arrangements  were  also  made  for  the  repair  of  the 
lodges,  and  the  obtaining  of  the  beef  for  the  barbecue  which  was  to  close  the 
event.  In  other  words,  this  meeting  was  purely  preparatory.  All  the  top 
earth  was  carefully  taken  from  the  square  and  placed  in  a  heap  behind  the 
north  lodge. 

When  the  day  arrived  for  the  formal  celebration  to  commence,  the  Yuchi 
took  care  to  be  on  hand  before  nightfall  at  the  public  square,  which  was  situated 
in  a  permanent  locality  near  Scull  Creek,  where  a  beautiful  spring  of  clear  water 
flowed  from  a  side  hill.  The  ceremony  this  time  was  to  last  three  days  and 


Fig.  37.      Tally  Sticks. 

to  include  the  following  ritualistic  events.  The  first  day  was  to  be  a  general 
gathering,  with  the  commencement  of  the  fast  and  dancing  all  through  the  first 
half  of  that  night.  On  the  second  day, the  new  fire  ceremony  was  to  take  place 
after  sunrise,  followed  by  the  preparation  of  the  medicines,  the  scarification, 
the  taking  of  the  emetic,  the  breaking  the  fast,  and  the  ceremonial  ball  game. 
The  ensuing  night  was  to  be  given  up  to  all-night  dancing.  On  the  third 
day,  the  people  were  to  disband  for  a  while  and  return  again,  after  a  rest,  for 
several  subsequent  days  of  minor  observances.  This  was  the  plan  given  out 
for  the  carrying  on  of  the  celebration. 

An  explanatory  diagram  of  the  square-ground  showing  some  of  the  things 
mentioned  in  the  following  description  is  given  (Fig.  38)  and  will  be  frequently 
referred  to  in  the  account.  The  date  of  the  1904  ceremony  was  July  17;  that 
of  1905  was  a  few  days  later  in  the  same  month. 

FIRST  DAY. — About  one  hundred  Yuchi  having  arrived,  upon  the  day  set 
aside  in  the  preliminary  gathering,  at  the  camping  ground  surrounding  the 
public  square,  friendly  intercourse  was  held  among  the  townsfolk,  and  sump- 
tuous preparations  were  made  for  the  evening  meal,  after  which  no  food  could 
be  eaten  by  adults  until  the  ceremony  of  taking  the  emetic  was  over. 


118 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 


Before  dark  the  four  yatcigi'  went  out  in  single  file  toward  the  woods 
east  to  secure  the  four  logs  for  the  new  fire,  to  be  started  the  next  morning, 
and  also  to  dig  the  two  medicine  roots,  j^dde'  and  to  tcald,  and  to  secrete  them 
where  they  could  be  readily  found  when  they  were  to  be  brought  in.  Before 
appearing  at  the  camp  on  their  return,  they  whooped  four  times  to  apprise 
the  town  of  the  commencement  of  the  ceremony  and  the  fast.  This  whooping 
caused  quite  a  little  commotion  among  the  people.  Their  manner  changed 


N      M 

^"^?% 


>    &  ™t  ^;;«« 

i£          FOR  CANceiv 


^ 


-;,\ 


^O 
,G» 


DIRECTION  TAKEN  BY  MEN  WHEN 
GOING    to  FEt-lEv*  THEMSELVES  o 


Fig.  38.      Yuchi  Square-Ground  During  Ceremony. 


M.  Town  Chief's  Seat. 

N.  Drum. 

P.  Stake  at  S.E.  Corner. 

R.  Pile  of  Wood  for  Fire. 


A.  Chief's  Lodge. 

B.  C.  Warriors'  Lodge. 

D.  Place  Where  Turtle  Dance  Begins. 

E.  Steer  Flesh  on  Scaffold. 

F.  Fire  Place. 

G1.  Pots  of  Medicine  Before  Ceremony  of  Emetic. 
G2.  Pots  During  Ceremony  of  Scratching  and  Emetic. 

and  it  seemed  as  though  they  were  under  constraint.  The  spirits  of  the  summer 
ceremonial  were  then  supposed  to  be  watching  them  for  infringements  of  the 
taboos.  Salt  and  the  other  things  spoken  of  before  were  tabooed  from  this 
time  until  the  end  of  the  celebration.  The  four  logs  were  then  deposited 
in  the  west  lodge,  where  the  Chiefs  and  their  paraphernalia  reposed. 

At  about   ten   o'clock  in   the   evening,   the   moon   being   at   the  first 
quarter  and  over  the  west  lodge,  the  town  chief's  assistant,  who  will  here- 


F.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  119 

after  be  called  second  chief,  and  the  gocone  or  master  of  ceremonies  from  the 
Warrior  Society,  called  in  a  loud  voice  to  the  town  to  come  to  dance.  Mean- 
while the  gocon£  had  started  a  fire  of  fagots  in  the  center  of  the  square, 
where  the  fire  is  always  made  (see  diagram,  Fig.  38).  When  the  lodges  were 
filled  with  the  townsmen,  the  Ddtosd'  or  Big  Turtle  Dance  was  begun. 

THE  BIG  TURTLE  DANCE. — In  loose  order,  the  leader  having  a  hand  rattle 
in  his  right  hand,  the  dancers  grouped  themselves  in  the  southeast  corner  of 
the  square.  (See  diagram.)  All  formed  in  a  compact  mass  and  the  leader  in  the 
center  began  moving  in  a  circle,  rattling  and  shouting  Ih6!  hdf  The  dancers 
kept  in  close  ranks  behind  him  echoing  his  shouts.  After  about  five  minutes 
of  this,  the  leader  started  toward  the  fire  and  the  dancers  all  held  hands.  A 
woman  having  the  turtle  shell  rattles  on  her  legs  came  from  the  northwest 
corner  and  took  her  place  behind  the  leader  holding  hands  with  him.  In  single 
file  the  latter  led  them  around  the  fire,  sunwise.  In  1905  there  were  two  of  these 
women.  When  the  men  whooped  they  were  joined  by  txvo  more,  when  they 
whooped  again  the  women  left  the  line.  After  circling  a  number  of  times  the 
leader  stopped,  stamped  and  whooped  and  the  ranks  broke  up,  the  dancers 
dispersing  to  their  various  lodges  about  the  square.  The  first  song  was  thus 
finished.  After  a  short  interval  a  leader  stepped  toward  the  fire  and  circling 
it  alone  started  the  second  song  and  was  soon  joined  by  other  dancers.  Two 
or  more  women  having  the  shell  rattles  on  their  legs  took  part.  During  the 
course  of  the  next  few  songs  the  leader  took  the  line  to  each  of  the  four  corners 
of  the  square,  led  them  around  in  a  circle  and  then  back  to  the  fire.  No  drum- 
ming accompanied  this  dance.  Women  joined  in  as  well  as  children  and 
strangers.  This  dance  was  continued  for  about  two  hours,  at  intervals,  and 
was  the  only  one  danced  on  this  night.  (See  Plate  XII1.) 

During  the  process  of  this  dance,  and  in  all  the  others  too,  the  gocont 
exhorted  the  dancers  to  their  best  by  shouting  out  encouragement,  and  with 
his  long  staff  went  about  to  secure  song  leaders  during  the  intervals  of  rest. 
The  Thunder  was  frequently  invoked  this  night  by  the  gocon6  with  cries  of 
PictanA™ '!  Plctan\n> '.'  "Thunder!  Thunder!" 

At  about  midnight  when  things  had  quieted  down  a  little,  the  town  chief 
rose  from  his  seat  near  the  center  of  the  west  lodge,  and  silence  was  rendered 
him  as  he  began  a  speech  lasting  about  fifteen  minutes.  In  this  he  referred  to 
their  ancestors  who  handed  the  ceremonies  down  to  them;  to  the  deities  who 
taught  them;  to  the  obligations  of  the  present  generation  to  maintain  them. 
He  complimented  the  dancers,  referred  to  the  rites  of  the  next  day  and  called 

1  When  the  first  flashlight  (PI.  XII,  2)  was  discharged  in  making  these  exposures 
some  of  the  dancers  stopped  and  some  went  right  on,  but  they  seemed  greatly  startled 
and  for  a  moment  blinded.  Several  chiefs  then  came  over  and  expressed  their  displeasure. 
They  called  it  "lightning."  I  explained  that  no  harm  was  meant  and  finally  got  their 
consent  to  make  another  (PI.  XII,  1)  somewhat  nearer. 


120 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 


for  the  assent  and  cooperation  of  his  town.  The  men  then  shouted  'ho!  hdf 
the  sign  of  approbation.  The  town  chief  concluded  with  an  appeal  for  good 
behavior  and  reverence  during  the  celebration,  exhorting  them  when  the 
event  was  over  to  go  to  their  homes  in  peace  and  to  avoid  getting  into  trouble 
or  disputes  with  anyone.  Then  all  dispersed  for  the  purpose  of  sleep  or 
carousing. 

SECOND  DAY. — Before  sunrise  of  the  second  day  the  town  chief  took 
his  seat  in  the  west  lodge.  Now  the  four  yatcigl'  passed  off  toward  the  east  to 
bring  in  the  medicine  plants.  During  their  absence  the  town  chief  was  prepar- 
ing the  flints  and  steel  for  the  new  fire.  The  return  of  the  yatcigl'  was  announced 
by  a  series  of  whoops  ('hayo!  hdyo!')  and  they  came  in  with  the  plants,  deposit- 
ing them  in  the  west  lodge. 


NEW   FIRE   RITE. 

The  fireplace  had  been  swept  clean  and  covered  with  sand.  The  yatoigl' 
now  walked  sunwise  around  the  spot  three  times,  then  stopped,  each  one 
standing  at  one  of  the  cardinal  points.  They  deposited  the  four 
logs  with  their  ends  pointing  toward  the  cardinal  points  thus 
— !— ,  then  retired  to  the  west  lodge  behind  the  town  chief.  He 
was  noxv  preparing  punk  and  fire  materials,  having  taken  them  from 
his  bag  suspended  from  the  post  near  his  head.  He  struck  the  fire 
into  a  tray  of  bark  filled  with  dried  pith,  in  the  manner  described 
elsewhere.  (See  Plate  XIII,  1.)  When  the  spark  had  sprung  into  a 
flame  the  yatcigl'  took  the  tray,  and  ignited  sticks  between  the  logs 
and  thus  the  new  fire  for  the  new  year  was  started.  They  con- 
cluded by  walking  four  times  around  it.2  During  this  tune  at 
intervals  a  few  taps  were  given  on  the  water-drum. 

In  the  meantime  a  post  had  been  erected  in  the  southeast 
corner  of  the  square  as  a  sign  that  women,  dogs  and  aliens,  also 
those  who  have  eaten  corn  that  season  or  tasted  food  since  the 
previous  evening,  were  prohibited  from  the  square  under  penalty 
of  violence  at  the  hands  of  the  yatcigl'.  It  is  also  said  that  in  war 
times  captives  were  bound  to  this  stake  when  they  Were  to  be  burned 
to  death.3 


Fig.  39. 
Medicine 
Pounder. 


2  At  this  time  in  the  cognate  Creek  and  Cherokee  ceremony,  each  family  swept  its 
hearth  and  started  a  new  fire  from  the  public  embers,  but  the  Yuchi  symbolized  this  for  the 
whole  town  by  their  public  new  fire.     (19th  Report  Bureau  American  Ethnology,  p.  402; 
Cherokee  Myths,  Mooney;  Gatschet,  Creek  Migration  Leg.,  Vol.   II,  p.  189  for  Kasixta 
town;  Speck,  Creek  Indians  of  Taskigi  Town,  p.  142  for  Taskigi  town.) 

3  Also  noticed  by  Bartram  among  Creeks  (cf.  Bartram's  Travels,  p.  518),  but  in  that 
case  there  were  four  stakes,  one  at  each  corner  of  the  square. 


F.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE   YUCIII    INDIANS. 


121 


The  medicine  plants,  red  root,  to  tcald,  and  button-snake  root,  f^dd?,  were 
now  brought  by  the  yatcigV,  who  walked  around  the  fire  with  them  five  times, 
and  then  lay  them  lengthwise,  with  roots  to  the  east  and  foliage  to  the  west, 
in  a  space  about  fifteen  feet  east  of  the  fire,  where  a  halved  log  was  laid  on 
which  to  crush  them.  Two  crocks,  formerly  pots  of  a  high  shape,  were  brought 
full  of  water  and  stood  in  front  of  the  medicines.  Kneeling  before  the  pots  the 
yatcigV  pounded  up  the  roots  and  stems  with  pounders  about  fourteen  inches 
long,  made  from  peeled  branches  (Fig.  39).  (See  Plate  XIII,  2.)  The  crushed 
roots  were  then  put  in  the  crocks  while  the  stems  were  thrown  behind  the 
north  lodge,  with  the  pounders,  upon  the  heap  of  sacred  debris  there. 


Fig.  40.      Scratcher. 


SCARIFICATION   RITE. 

The  implement  used  in  the  scratching  operation  which  now  followed  was 
made  by  the  town  chief  of  a  leaf  of  f^dde'  and  a  shaved  turkey  quill,  having 
six  pins  fastened  with  their  points  projecting  through  it.  (Fig.  40). 

The  town  chief  then  scratched  the  scratching  official,  gondine  or  yatsd, 
on  the  right  arm  after  some  of  the  j*&de'  had  been  rubbed  over  it.  The  operator 
held  the  victim  by  the  wrist,  and  tore  his  arm  almost  from  elbow  to  wrist 
with  the  six-pointed  instrument  to  the  depth  of  one-eighth  of  an  inch  at  least. 
No  evidence  of  pain  was  manifested  by  anyone.  The  scratcher  then  per- 
formed the  operation  on  the  town  chief.  The  Chiefs  then  had  their  turn, 
followed  by  the  Warriors.  (See  Plate  XIV.)  Small  male  children  were 
then  brought  up  by  their  fathers  and  scratched  on  the  arms,  having  also 


122  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    1. 

some  of  the  medicine  rubbed  on  their  mouths.  The  young  men  came  next, 
then  the  older,  until  all  had  been  tortured  but  the  four  yatcigi',  who  were  the 
last.  Frequent  exhortations  were  given  by  the  second  chief  to  hurry  along 
the  tardy  ones.  Only  males  were  scratched.  Tobacco  was  distributed  at 
this  time  among  the  occupants  of  the  lodges  by  the  town  chief. 

It  has  been  customary  in  alternate  years  to  do  the  scratching  on  the 
arm  and  breast,  although  both  in  1904  and  1905  it  was  done  on  the  arm. 

The  yatcigi'  were  constantly  on  the  lookout  for  any  man  leaning  against 
a  post  or  tree.  This  is  a  forbidden  indulgence,  and  they  chastise  every 
offender  with  their  staffs.  Anyone  dropping  off  to  sleep  would  be  equally 
treated  to  a  blow. 

While  the  scarification  was  going  on  the  two  ka'kd,  'white  man,'  butchers, 
had  barbecued  the  steer  which  was  left  on  a  scaffold  at  the  rear  of  the 
west  lodge  behind  the  chiefs.  (See  diagram  of  square.)  The  meat  was  then 
distributed  by  the  ka'ka'  among  the  different  families.  With  their  long 
staffs  they  frequently  went  the  rounds  of  the  camp  announcing  to  the  xvomen 
the  progress  of  the  rites,  and  seeing  that  they  were  preparing  the  food  for 
the  feast  which  was  to  follow  the  taking  of  the  emetic.  Consequently,  the 
women  were  seen  to  bring  to  the  border  of  the  square,  bo\vls  of  stewed  meat, 
bread,  boiled  corn,  coffee  and  other  viands  which  were  then  picked  up  by  the 
men  and  left  on  the  scaffold  with  the  carcass  of  the  steer,  until  the  ceremony 
of  the  emetic  should  be  over.  This  handling  of  the  food  was  a  severe  test  to 
the  hungry  men.  Sometimes  it  Was  necessary  for  the  second  chief  to  hurry 
up  the  bringing  of  the  food  by  crying  from  the  eastern  edge  of  the  square, 
whence  all  signals  were  given  to  the  camp.  The  yatcigi'  stood  nearby  ever 
ready  to  strike  anyone  found  violating  a  taboo,  with  their  poles.  Dogs 
were  frequently  chased  and  belabored  when  in  their  roamings  they  crossed  the 
edge  of  the  square.  Several  men  had  to  be  treated  to  reminding  blows  by 
these  young  men  as  they  forgot  themselves  and  fell  into  a  doze. 


THE   RITE   OF  THE   EMETIC. 

Now  that  the  sun  was  about  at  the  zenith  and  the  medicines  had  been 
steeping  in  the  sun  long  enough,  it  was  time  for  the  men  to  take  the  emetic 
in  accordance  with  the  instructions  of  the  mythical  Sun  deity  who  declared 
that,  as  long  as  he  rose  from  the  east  and  beheld  his  people  taking  the  sacred 
emetic,  he  would  continue  their  tribal  existence. 

The  first  to  take  the  emetic  were  the  town  chief  and  the  three  other  square- 
ground  Chiefs.  (See  Plate  XV,  1.)  They  were  followed  by  the  four  square- 
ground  Warriors.  Then  four  more  Chiefs  and  four  more  Warriors  took  theirs. 
They  dipped  up  the  medicine  with  cups,  two  dipping  from  each  pot.  They 
always  walked  around  the  north  side  of  the  fire  in  approaching  the  pots.  Nearly 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  123 

a  quart  was  drunk  by  each  individual.  After  the  first  drink  the  men  returned 
to  their  respective  lodges  of  rank,  and  the  four  Chiefs  led  again  for  a  second 
drink  in  the  same  order  as  before.  The  town  chief  after  this  started  toward 
the  open  space  north  of  the  square  followed  by  the  rest  of  the  townsmen  from 
the  square,  and  there  in  the  field  copious  quantities  of  the  medicine  Were 
thrown  up  aided  by  fingers  or  weeds.  (See  Plate  XV,  2,  also  diagram  of  square.) 

After  a  short  interval,  when  all  had  taken  their  places  in  the  square  again, 
the  emetic  was  taken  by  the  four  yatcigl'  in  the  same  manner  as  their  predeces- 
sors. When  they  had  finished  great  relief  was  manifest  throughout  the  camp, 
as  the  ordeal  was  practically  over,  and  everything  so  far  had  gone  on  all  right. 

The  second  chief  then  led  all  the  men  in  single  file  eastward  toward  the 
running  water,  wiiere  their  paint  w-as  washed  off  and  their  hands  also  cleansed. 
The  town  chief,  however,  kept  his  place  at  the  square,  and  on  the  forelog  of  the 
west  arbor  put  four  ears  of  green  corn.  When  the  procession  from  the  creek 
returned,  all  passed  before  these  ears  and  rubbed  their  hands  over  them  and 
then  over  their  faces.  All  then  seated  themselves  in  the  proper  lodges.  Some 
cobs  of  last  year's  corn  were  thrown  in  the  fire  as  incense,  the  act  symbolizing 
the  passing  out  of  use  of  the  old  crop. 

Tobacco  was  then  passed  around  and  they  smoked.  The  town  chief 
made  a  short  speech  relative  to  their  fidelity,  to  the  ritual  and  the  successful 
termination  of  the  ceremonies.  He  invited  them  to  take  their  fill  of  food  and 
reminded  them  of  the  forgiveness  due  to  petty  offenders  during  the  past 
season.  Hearty  approbation  was  manifested  toward  his  remarks.  When  he 
took  his  seat  and  a  few  moments  were  passed  in  general  deliberation,  the  food 
was  distributed  among  those  in  the  lodges  and  general  feasting  ensued. 

The  post  at  the  southeast  corner  of  the  square  was  then  taken  down  in 
attestation  of  the  close  of  the  taboo  against  aliens  on  the  public  square. 

After  eating,  the  next  duty  was  to  proceed  to  the  nearest  timber,  where 
every  man  secured  a  branch  of  wood  which  he  carried  to  a  pile  near  the  square. 
As  he  threw  down  his  contribution,  each  gave  a  loud  shout.  This  wood  was 
destined  for  consumption  that  night  when  the  dances  were  to  be  performed. 
The  duties  of  the  ceremonial  officers  were  now  over. 

Now  that  the  ceremony  was  over  for  the  time,  the  participants  dispersed  to 
their  respective  camps  and  enjoyed  a  period  of  social  intercourse  and  rest. 
After  some  hours  of  rest  a  ball  game  was  arranged  by  the  elders  for  the 
young  boys,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  them  practice.  By  the  middle  of  the 
afternoon,  sides  were  chosen  among  the  young  men  for  the  more  serious 
game,  which  was  played  for  several  hours.  Captains  for  the  opposite  sides 
were  picked  from  among  the  best  players.  A  ceremonial  sentiment  under- 
laid the  game,  as  no  betting  was  indulged  in  this  time. 

By  evening,  when  all  had  partaken  of  food  and  gotten  a  little  rest,  the  fire 
was  replenished  and  men  and  women  assembled  in  the  lodges  as  on  the  preced- 


124  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UXIY.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    I. 

ing  night.  The  dancing  was  to  continue  all  night,  and  a  great  number  of  the 
dances  were  to  be  celebrated.  The  general  spirit  of  the  gathering  had  then 
lost  its  severity  and  restraint.  Laxity  prevailed  in  every  respect,  together 
with  some  debauchery  and  licensed  immorality  which  were  treated  with  re- 
markable toleration  by  parents  and  elders. 


DANCING. 

On  this,  the  second  night,  about  six  of  the  before-mentioned  dances  were 
performed.  Although  the  general  characteristics  and  functions  of  the  dances 
have  been  described  in  the  last  chapter,  a  few  of  the  peculiarities  will  be  given 
again  according  to  the  actual  cases  as  observed  on  both  ceremonial  occasions. 

All  of  the  Yuchi  dances  were  this  night  performed  around  the  fire  in  the 
center  of  the  square.  The  movement  was  from  right  to  left,  contra-clockwise. 
The  steps  of  the  dancers  were  short,  the  motion  being  chiefly  in  the  leg  below 
the  knee.  In  general  effect  the  dance  steps  look  more  like  shuffling.  The 
foot,  being  brought  down  flat,  gives  forth  a  sound  earning  for  the  dance  the 
name  of  Stamp,  or  Stump  Dance,  among  the  whites. 

Male  dancers  held  their  arm  nearest  the  fire,  the  left  level,  with  their  heads 
and  the  head  slightly  drooped,  as  they  said,  to  protect  their  faces  from  the  heat 
and  glare  of  the  fire.  The  true  explanation  of  this  is  probably  different,  but  is 
lost  in  obscurity.  Women  never  assume  this  posture.  Their  arms  were  always 
at  their  sides  when  dancing,  and  their  feet  were  never  raised  far  from  the 
ground.  Motions  were  constantly  made,  as  in  the  Buzzard  dance  when  the 
arms  of  the  performers  were  lowered  and  raised  after  the  manner  of  a 
buzzard's  wings. 

On  a  tree  at  one  side  near  the  edge  of  the  square  a  space  of  several  feet  of 
bark  had  been  peeled  off.  Here  a  lot  of  red  paint  of  mixed  clay  and  grease 
had  been  smeared,  and  this  was  a  source  of  supply  for  those  who  wished  to 
daub  themselves  or  renew  their  facial  designs.  Nearly  all  men  wore  the  design 
of  their  society  painted  on  their  faces.  Some  were  only  promiscuously 
smeared  with  red  and  black. 

In  the  nature  of  ornaments  most  of  the  men  of  the  town  wore  white  heron 
feather  tremblers  attached  to  their  hats  throughout  the  first  few  days.  (PI.  VII, 
Figs.  7,  8.)  These  feathers,  gehwant,  were  shaved  half-way  up  the  quill  to  make 
them  a  little  top  heavy.  The  base  is  wound  in  the  end  of  a  wire  spring  about 
six  inches  long.  The  motions  of  the  dancers  impart  a  lively  waving  backward 
and  forward  to  these  feathers.  As  far  as  could  be  ascertained  they  were  purely 
ornamental.  Some  dancers  wore  bunches  of  red,  black,  blue  and  white  feathers 
in  their  hat  bands.  All  wore  their  best  clothes  in  the  dances.  The  women, 
some  of  them,  were  decorated  with  a  metal  comb  in  the  back  of  their  hair, 
from  which  hung  varicolored  ribbons  reaching  nearly  to  the  ground.  In 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE    YUCIII    INDIANS. 


125 


moving  about,  the  wind  carried  these  streamers  out  horizontally  behind, 
producing  a  very  pretty  effect. 

During  the  dances  the  town  chief  did  not  take  part,  but  sat  stolidly  in  his 
seat,  in  the  West  lodge,  facing  the  square-ground  and  dancers.  From  time  to 
time  he  gave  a  loud  whoop  or  cry  of  encouragement  and  generally  joined  in  the 
whoop  at  the  end  of  the  dance  stanzas. 

The  dance  songs  were  generally  long,  and  divided  into  cantos.  After 
each  song  or  canto  the  leader  whooped,  the  gocon6  echoed  the  cry  and  the  dance 
circle  broke  up  until  the  leader  started  the  next  canto.  At  the  end  of  each  song 
dancers  imitated  the  cry  of  the  animal  named  by  the  dance.  The  leader  always 
knew  the  song  and  carried  the  air,  the  other  dancer  furnishing  the  chorus. 
Only  the  male  dancers  sang.  Some  of  them  carried  fans  of  turkey  buzzard  or 
eagle  tails.  When  a  leader  carried  one  of  these  fans  he  passed  it  to  another  man 
when  he  wished  him  to  lead  the  next  dance.  A  specimen  of  fan,  made  appar- 
ently of  a  buzzard's  tail,  is  shown  in  PI.  VII,  Fig.  9.  The  feather  attach- 


Fig.  41.      Feather  Attachment  of  Wand. 

ment  is  very  simple,  the  quills  being  perforated  and  fastened  side  by  side 
with  a  string  of  yarn  strung  through  them  transversely  in  two  places. 

A  few  of  the  dances  observed  during  the  ceremonies  will  now  be  described 
more  in  detail.  Some  of  the  song  syllables  were  also  obtained  and  are  given 
in  part.  In  such  song  burdens  the  part  sung  by  the  leader  is  given  on  the 
same  line  as  that  sung  by  the  chorus  of  dancers,  the  two  being  separated  by 
a  space.  Some  of  these  dance  songs  were  obtained  from  Laslie  Cloud  a  Creek 
who  claimed  that  both  the  Yuchi  and  the  Creeks  of  his  town,  Taskigi,  held 
them  in  common. 

The  Feather  Dance,  lakane  ctl,  until  lately  took  place  only  at  the  ceremony 
of  the  Polecat  settlement  of  the  Yuchi.  It  was  a  daylight  dance  and  occurred 
on  the  second  day.  It  was  performed  before  taking  the  emetic  and  again 
afterwards.  The  account  of  it  was  obtained  from  several  informants. 

There  were  four  leaders,  two  abreast,  the  first  two  holding  feather  sticks, 
having  six  white  heron's  feathers  attached  to  the  end,  one  in  each  hand. 


126  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

(See  PL  VII,  Figs.  5,  6  and  Fig.  41.)  The  next  two  shook  hand  rattles.  The 
dancers  formed  in  line  two  abreast  and  came  running  (dancing)  sunwise  toward 
a  pile  of  earth,  where  the  sweepings  from  the  square  were  piled  in  a  heap  at  the 
eastern  side  of  the  square  sometimes  to  a  height  of  three  and  one-half  feet. 
Facing  the  sun  they  leaped  over  the  pile  as  they  reached  it.  Should  any- 
one fail  to  make  the  leap  or  fall  or  drop  anything  while  leaping  he  was  seized 
by  the  four  yatcigV  and  taken  to  the  creek  where  he  was  ducked  before  he 
could  return  to  the  square  or  pick  up  anything  that  he  had  dropped.  The  staffs 
of  the  ydtcigi'  were  also  decorated  with  white  feathers  for  this  dance. 

This  dance  symbolized  the  journey  of  the  sun  over  the  square-ground 
the  Sun  deity  was  believed  to  be  closely  watching  the  dance  from  above. 
Should  it  not  be  properly  enacted  he  was  likely  to  stop  in  his  course,  according 
to  the  belief.  The  Feather  Dance  was  known  also  as  the  Corn  Dance. 

The  Gun  Dance  was  called  Yaf-a'  ctl.  This  dance  was  said  to  be  chiefly 
for  pleasure,  but  it  had  some  reference  to  the  spirits  dominating  weapons  and 
was  believed  to  increase  their  effectiveness.  It  was  performed  at  night  by 
the  Sand  Creek  town,  and  during  the  daytime  by  the  Polecat  settlement.  The 
dancers  held  their  firearms  in  the  right  hand.  At  the  end  of  each  song,  (a), 
(6),  (c),  all  were  discharged  toward  the  ground  and  the  dancers  whooped. 
The  song  is 

(a)  haigd  didl  w^didl,  ycPeya, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

(b)  hele  heU  maya,  gtiwena, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

(c)  waigeto  wcfiaye,  heya, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

The  Duck  Dance,  Cane  ctl,  was  another  in  which  it  was  sought  to  win 
the  favor  of  the  supernatural  guardians  of  game.  An  element  of  thanks  is  said 
to  have  been  recognized  in  these  animal  dances.  The  dancers  held  hands  wind- 
ing around  in  circles  and  figures  behind  the  leader,  in  single  file.  Men  and 
women  joined  in  promiscuously.  The  leader  carried  a  hand  rattle,  and  drum- 
ming also  accompanied  it.  A  band  of  visiting  Shawnee  joined  in  this  dance 
with  the  Yuchi  in  1904,  arranging  themselves  so  as  to  alternate  in  the  file 
with  Yuchi  dancers.  The  songs  were,  in  part, 

(a)  ye'ha  ydleno,  ivehe  ycPheya, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

yagwe'  hd's,  a  cry  in  imitation  of  the  duck,  given  at  end  of 
the  song;  then  hank,  hank,  hank  rapidly. 

(b)  we'heydheya,  dheya 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 
(Repeat  cries  as  above.) 


P.   G.   SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  1?? 

The  Horse  Dance,  Ba'td'  ctl,  had  no  unusual  features.  It  was  of  the  general 
type  described.  At  the  end  of  each  song  all  the  dancers  grunted  like  stallions. 

(a)  yahd  gAni  yd,  stinaga, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 
yahd  gAni  yd, 

(b)  yah&we  ya,  ydlege, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

(c)  hlydyaho,  he'lena, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

The  dancers  whinnied  like  stallions  four  times. 

In  the  Buzzard  Dance,  Y^tl'  ctl,  the  dancers  waved  their  arms  like  the 
wings  of  a  buzzard.  At  the  end  of  each  song  all  bent  over,  spat,  and  hissed  like 
buzzards  disgorging  food.  It  was  said  to  indicate  bad  breath  and  badtaste  in  the 
mouth.  Sometimes  the  motion  of  the  arms  was  slow,  with  the  palms  of  hands 
turned  down ;  sometimes  it  was  fast,  as  in  song  (c).  This  was  a  totemic  dance. 

(a)  yahdleha,  yagoisce'^e, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

(b)  tawaya,  hele', 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

(c)  hdnewdyahe, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

(d)  su'll  wdya  he, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

(e)  he'ya  yaw?,  liAnne1 ', 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 
ndhaya, 

(arms  raised  high  and  slowly  waved). 

The  Rabbit  Dance,  Cadjwan6  ctl,  is  another  of  the  common  type  dances. 
The  dancers  held  their  left  arm  crooked  between  their  faces  and  the  fire.  They 
began  by  squealing  like  rabbits.  It  was  also  a  totemic  dance. 

(a)  yoholcna,  yoh(fi  os  IIA.', 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

(c)  wd  hdyo  nd, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

(d)  yohdlena, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 
(4)  wdhdyond', 

(repeated  a  number  of  tunes). 

The  Fish  Dance  was  called  Cucpd  ctl,  Pike  Dance,  or  Citdfd  ctl,  Catfish 
Dance.    The  dancers  waved  their  arms  at  their  sides  like  the  fins  of  a  fish. 


128  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UXIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

Four  whoops  were  given  at  the  beginning.  The  Fish  Dance  was  totemic  also. 
This  dance  was  quite  an  important  one.  There  was  much  more  stamping  and 
shouting  in  it  than  in  the  others. 

hoyale  hdyale,  yo-M-u-ho1 , 

(shouted  out  and  accompanied  by  stamping). 
ye-he-ho,  ydleha, 

(stamping,  shouted). 
yo-u-u-ho, 

(shouted,  with  violent  stamping). 

The  Leaf  Dance,  Yacd  ctl,  was  rather  graceful  in  effect.  The  dancers 
waved  their  hands  imitating  leaves  blown  by  the  wind.  In  this  dance  the 
grateful  shade  of  the  summer  foliage  is  recognized  by  the  people  as  a  blessing. 
I  was  told  that  several  women  carried  the  hand  rattle  in  the  Leaf  Dance.  The 
song  was  as  follows  and  was  sung  four  times  with  a  great  deal  of  repetition  of 
the  different  parts.  The  repetitions  were  very  rapid  and  seemed  quite  irregular 
toward  the  end. 

wahlyone',  heya', 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 
hega?  yon? ,  heya' , 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 
hodjl'  gd  yd, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

The  Shawnee  Dance,  Yonctd  ctl,  is  said  to  have  been  borrowed  from  the 
neighboring  Shawnee,  with  whom  the  Yuchi  are  very  intimate.  It  is  a  very  pic- 
turesque and  animated  dance,  indeed,  a  general  favorite.  Only  the  drum  is 
used,  one  man  beating  it  while  several  others  sing.  A  line  of  women  filed  out 
from  one  corner  of  the  square  holding  hands,  led  by  a  Shawnee  girl  beautifully 
dressed.  Very  soon  the  men  from  the  different  lodges  came  in  between  each 
pair  of  women  and  took  their  hands.  The  whole  line  of  alternating  men  and 
women  holding  hands,  then  wound  round  and  about  the  square-ground  imitating 
the  movements  of  a  serpent.  The  song  syllables  as  remembered,  consisted  of  ya 
na  na  we  he  repeated  over  and  over.  At  intervals  announced  by  a  whoop  the 
dancers  all  faced  right  about  and  continued  in  that  way  until  the  next  whoop. 

The  Buffalo  Dance,  Wedlngd  ctl,  was  an  important  one.  The  dancers 
held  sticks  in  their  hands.  Formerly  they  wore  buffalo  robes  on  their  backs  and 
the  stuffed  skins  of  the  buffalo's  head  over  their  shoulders.  The  dancers  held 
their  arms  at  their  sides  with  the  sticks  clinched  in  their  fists.  Their  bodies 
were  bent  stiffly  forward  and  they  grunted  like  buffaloes.  The  first  three 


1  The  hyphen  denotes  emphasis  and  arrested  voice. 


F.   Q.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE    YUCHI    INDIANS.  129 

songs  only  are  given.      First  the  leader  sang  a  part,  then  the  chorus,  then  all 
joined  in  the  cry  yd  yd  lhof,  or  grunted. 

(a)  he'  yalena,  (repeated  a  number  of  times) ; 

(grunting)  yd  yd  Ihff. 

(6)  ndwa  yahd  hele,  hey 5  h&wlya, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

yd  yd  ih&  (cry). 

(c)  hy6  lena  hyd  Una  hi',  hyawd  hele, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

yd  yd  Ik?  (cry). 

In  the  Chicken  Dance,  Wetc^d'ctl,  the  men  and  women  held  hands  side  by 
side,  marching  two  abreast.  Men  were  allowed  liberties  with  the  persons 
of  their  partners  because  they  were  imitating  cocks.  The  singing  in  this  ap- 
peared to  be  more  in  unison. 

(a)  ydgowl  hole  ha, 
yahdleha  yagow&V, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

(b)  hegowl  y  ahoy  a  nale  he  gow&i' , 
y  ale' hoy  a  hdnawlye^e', 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

(c)  he'yahenohe, 
he'nayanadawiya, 

(repeated  a  number  of  times). 

In  the  Owl  Dance,  Kydn'ctl,  there  was  the  same  form  in  dancing  as  in  the 
Chicken  Dance,  but  no  liberties  were  allowed.  In  this  each  song  was  much 
repeated  throughout.  The  accent  was  too  varied  to  record. 

(a)  aheyowana  hd. 

(b)  yowale  yowalelie. 

(c)  hayodje  has  age. 

(d)  hayowana  hayodje2  homage. 

(e)  tawayahele. 

The  Crazy  or  Drunken  Dance,  Tsebenbene"'  ctl,  was  the  last  to  be  per- 
formed before  daybreak  of  the  second  and  last  night  of  the  ceremonies. 

In  character  it  was  extremely  obscene,  as  well  as  in  words  of  the  songs. 
The  leaders  frequently  composed  parts  which  they  sang.  They  were  given  in 
these  to  ridiculing  others.  The  commonest  words  seem  to  have  been,  "I  am 
drunk;  I  want  whiskey."  The  more  self  respecting  women  often  refused  to 
join  in  it,  as  temporary  alliances  were  understood  to  result  from  intimacy 


130  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

between  the  sexes  on  this  occasion.  The  men  whinnied  like  stallions  or 
mules  as  signals.  The  close  of  the  last  song  was  uproarious,  being  followed 
by  general  debauchery.  Spectators  were  also  sharers  in  the  latter. 

The  whiskey,  invoked  in  the  words  of  the  song,  was  considered  a  divine 
inflatus;  the  opinion  of  the  Yuchi  in  regard  to  it  seems  to  be  analogous 
to  the  esteem  in  which  the  mescal  or  peyote  is  held  among  the  western  and 
southwestern  tribes.  There  is,  in  fact,  some  reason  to  believe  that  the  mescal 
worship  may  spread  among  the  Yuchi  if  it  continues  east  ward,  as  it  has  already 
gained  a  foothold  among  the  conservative  Pawnees  and  Osages. 

The  liberality  of  the  Yuchi  religious  sentiment  is  seen  in  the  manner  in 
which  dances  have  been  invented  for  the  worship  of  acculturated  objects,  like 
the  cow,  chicken,  firearms,  etc.,  which  they  did  not  know  in  early  times.  Con- 
stant borrowing  has  also  taken  place  between  the  Yuchi  and  their  neighbors, 
the  Creeks,  Shawnees  and  others.  During  the  second  night  of  the  ceremonies 
visitors  from  other  tribes  were  expected  to  perform  some  of  their  dances, 
which  from  all  outward  appearances  belonged  to  the  Yuchi  ritual  and  were 
joined  in  by  the  Yuchi  as  well  as  by  visitors.  The  gocone  always  extended  the 
invitations  to  outsiders  when  their  dances  were  desired. 

THIRD  DAY. — After  the  all-night  dancing  at  the  end  of  the  second  night, 
which  was  concluded  by  the  Crazy  or  Drunken  Dance,  the  townfolk  disbanded. 
Those  who  lived  at  a  distance  went  home  to  sleep  and  rest.  Sometimes  a  few 
young  people  lingered  about  the  square  during  these  days,  engaged  in  social 
intercourse  or  games. 

FOURTH  DAY. — The  fourth  day  was  spent  at  home  in  much  the  same  way 
as  the  previous  one. 

FIFTH  DAY. — On  the  fifth  day  the  townsfolk  assembled  at  the  square  again, 
as  on  the  first  day. 

SIXTH  DAY. — On  the  sixth  day  at  noon  another  feast  was  prepared  and 
eaten  on  the  square.  This  meal  consisted  of  meat. 

The  whole  of  the  following  night  was  given  over  to  dancing  and  revelry 
like  that  of  the  second  night. 

SEVENTH  DAY. — On  the  seventh  day  the  ceremonial  gathering  was  at 
an  end,  and  all  dispersed  for  the  last  time.  The  new  year  was  now  begun  with  a 
clean  record,  civilly  and  religiously,  for  the  whole  town.  These  continued 
days  of  assembly  were  held  in  1905  with  an  unusual  manifestation  of 
interest,  as  the  chiefs  had  decided  not  to  hold  the  ceremonies  another  year. 

At  other  times  of  the  year  dancing  took  place  at  gatherings,  but  they 
were  regarded  as  entirely  informal.  Attendance  on  the  part  of  the  men  was 
not  compulsory  at  such  times. 

In  concluding  this  account  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  Yuchi  a  few  words  might 
be  said  in  the  way  of  comparison  with  the  rites  and  beliefs  of  surrounding  culture 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  131 

The  new  fire  rite,  which  was  commonly  found  throughout  the  Southeast, 
has  analogies  in  other  regions.  Nearly  all  occurrences  of  this  kind,  however, 
are  found  in  the  southern  portion  of  the  continent.  A  new  fire  rite  was  prom- 
inent in  Mexico,1  and  among  the  Pueblo  tribes  of  the  Southwest.2 

The  idea  of  the  towrn  shrine  also  strongly  suggests  the  sacred  altars  of  the 
Southwestern  tribes  and  the  shrines  or  altars  concerned  in  the  ceremonies  of 
the  tribes  of  the  Plains.  In  all  of  these  altars  from  the  Southwest,  across  the 
Plains  to  the  Southeast  a  common  element  is  to  be  found  in  the  symbolic 
painting  or  color  representations  on  the  ground. 

As  regards  the  ceremonies  of  scarification  and  the  taking  of  the  emetic 
we  again  find  a  specialization,  in  the  Southeast,  of  these  features  which  are, 
however,  widely  distributed  westward  and  southward.  The  scratching  opera- 
tion regarded  as  a  form  of  torture  has  distant  analogies  among  nearly  all  the 
tribes  of  the  Plains,  where  the  Sun  Dance  was  performed.  The  emetic  cere- 
mony, found  prominently  in  nearly  every  southeastern  tribe,  is  also  traceable 
across  the  Plains  to  the  Southwest.3  A  difference  is  to  be  noted  in  the  character 
of  the  public  communal  ceremonies  as  we  go  from  east  to  west.  In  the  South- 
east every  male  in  the  town  is  a  participant  in  them  and  must  undergo  every 
rite.  On  the  Plains  certain  individuals  only  undergo  the  torture  and  the  priests 
of  the  ceremony  take  the  emetic.  Again  in  the  Southwest  the  ceremonies  are 
performed  characteristically  by  the  priests,  who  alone  take  the  emetic.  There 
are  besides  a  number  of  similarities  in  detail  between  the  rites  of  the  Plains,  the 
Southeast  and  Southwest.  Considering  the  matter  as  a  whole,  we  are  led,  pro- 
visionally, to  the  opinion  that,  as  regards  ceremonials,  a  great  deal  of  similarity 
characterizes  the  Southern  area  of  North  America  extending  in  a  sort  of  zone 
from  the  Atlantic  along  the  Gulf  and  thence  westward  and  southward  to 
what  may  have  been  their  center  of  distribution. 


1  The  Mexican  new  fire  ceremony  at  the  beginning  of  each  cycle  is  given  in  Die  Cultur- 
volker  Alt-Amerikas,    Dr.  Gustav  Bruhl,  New  York,  Cincinnati,  St.  Louis,  1875-87,  pp. 
237,  412. 

2  Cf.  Fewkcs,  in  American  Anthropologist,  N.  S.,  Vol.  2,  p.  138,  for  a  discussion  of  the 
distribution  of  this  rite. 

3Cf.  Dorsey,  The  Arapaho  Sun  Dance,  Field  Columbian  Museum,  Publication  No.  75, 
Chicago,  1903;  also  The  Cheyenne,  same  series,  No.  103,  p.  164,  where  dancers  cause 
themselves  to  vomit  near  the  end  of  the  ceremony;  also  Dorsey,  Mythology  of  the  Wichita, 
Carnegie  Institution,  Wash.,  1904,  p.  16,  where  priests  in  ceremony  take  emetic.  I  was 
also  informed  that  the  Comanche  cerebrated  a  rite  before  the  season's  first  corn  was  eaten 
in  which,  during  the  performance  of  a  round  dance,  all  the  villagers  took  an  emetic  brewed 
from  a  certain  plant.  See  also  Stevenson,  The  Sia  Indians,  Eleventh  Report  Bureau 
American  Ethnology,  1894,  p.  87;  Voth,  Oraibi  Summer  Snake  Ceremony,  Field  Colum- 
bian Museum,  Pub.  No.  83,  p.  347;  Dorsey  and  Voth,  Mishongnovi  Ceremonies,  same 
series,  No.  66,  pp.  159-261;  Fewkes,  Tusayan  Snake  and  Flute  Ceremonies,  Nineteenth 
Report  Bureau  American  Ethnology,  1900,  p.  976. 


132  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 
SHAMANISM. 

Various  practices  are  observed  among  the  Yuchi  for  the  cure  of  disease. 
They  are  chiefly  songs  used  in  conjunction  with  herbs,  or  other  substances, 
without  regard  to  their  actual  medicinal  character,  whether  beneficial  or  harm- 
ful. In  each  settlement  the  town  chief  is  one  of  the  shamans  who  retains  the 
knowledge  of  the  plants  and  rituals.  Among  the  Creeks  the  powers  of  shaman 
are  open  to  any  successful  candidate,  a  remark  which  may  apply  to  the  Yuchi 
as  well,  though  as  far  as  could  be  learned  only  one  such  shaman  lives  in  the 
Sand  Creek  settlement  now  and  he  is  the  town  chief. 

The  treatment  consists  in  giving  the  medicinal  herbs  to  the  patient,  for 
internal  or  external  application,  and  in  performing  other  rites  with  appropriate 
songs  of  address  to  the  supposed  causes  of  the  disorder. 

The  shamanistic  rites  of  the  Creeks  and  Yuchi  are  said  to  be  identical. 
This  has  been  observed  in  regard  to  the  practices,  and  was  asserted  by  infor- 
mants from  both  tribes  in  regard  to  the  songs  and  the  medicinal  herbs  going 
with  them.  As  information  from  the  only  Yuchi  doctor  in  Sand  Creek  could 
not  be  had,  a  collection  of  songs  in  text  and  on  the  phonograph,  a  list  of  dis- 
eases with  their  causes,  and  the  herb  cures  was  made  from  a  famous  Creek 
shaman,  Kabitcimdla,  Laslie  Cloud,  living  near  the  Yuchi  settlements.1 

All  bodily  affliction  is  believed  to  come  from  the  presence  of  some  harmful 
foreign  matter  in  the  system,  placed  there  either  by  some  animal  spirit  or 
another  conjurer.  The  origin  is,  however,  mostly  traceable  to  animals.  As 
long  as  this  substance  remains  in  the  body,  health  is  impossible.  Since  trouble 
is  likely  to  come  from  so  many  sources,  the  Yuchi  finds  it  necessary  to  be  con- 
stantly on  guard  against  the  operation  of  malignant  spirits  and  conjurers  by 
observing  the  taboos.  Should  a  man  unwittingly  offend  one  of  the  animal 
spirits,  he  would  suffer.  The  moment  anyone  feels  pains  or  illness  it  is  believed 
that  some  offence  has  thus  been  done.  The  first  thing  to  do  is  to  placate  the 
spirit  agency,  and  secondly  to  remove  the  material  cause.  The  placation  of  the 
spirit  is  effected  by  some  song  or  formula  and  the  removal  of  the  foreign 
matter  is  effected  by  the  administration  of  some  medicinal  drinks.  To  have 
the  obnoxious  substance  removed  and  the  placation  gone  through  with,  the 
services  of  a  shaman  are  required.  The  shaman  must  first  discover  the  cause. 
This  is  done  by  secret  methods,  upon  which  his  skill  and  reputation  usually 
rest.  Some  shamans  can  diagnose  by  examining  the  sufferer's  shirt,  for  which 
a  charge  of  twenty-five  cents  or  equivalent  is  made. 

Certain  roots  and  plants,  steeped  in  water,  are  necessary  aids  to  the  sha- 
man in  driving  out  the  trouble,  and  various  formulae  go  with  these  medicines. 

1  See  Memoirs  of  American  Anthropological  Association,  Vol.  2,  Part  2,  The  Creek 
Indians  of  Taskigi  Town,  p.  121. 


F.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE    YUCHI   INDIANS.  133 

The  shaman  secretes  himself  with  the  medicines,  and  filling  a  pot  with  water, 
steeps  them,  all  the  time  blowing  into  the  concoction  through  a  hollow  cane. 
This  cane  is  about  two  and  one-half  feet  long  and  has  three  red  ribbons  tied  on 
it.  (See  PI.  VII,  Fig.  1.)  This  takes  place  between  the  stanzas  of  the  appropriate 
song.  Nearly  all  of  the  songs  are  sung  four  times,  then  a  long  blowing  is  given 
the  medicine,  after  which  it  is  thought  properly  charged  with  magic  power.  It 
is  then  given  to  the  patient,  who  drinks  it  and  washes  in  it,  applying  it  accord- 
ing to  the  shaman's  advice.  The  song  and  ritual  is  believed  to  throw  the 
disease  into  some  animal,  but  not  the  one  causing  it.  The  following  are  a  few 
of  the  medicine  songs  with  the  corresponding  diseases,  their  symptoms  and 
medicines.  . 

Names  of  medicine  songs, 

SSrSS&tSE  Symptom,  Medicinal  Herb,. 

the  diseases. 
Deer Swelling,  boils Cedar  leaves. 

Deer )  [Willow  species  (?). 

Y  Headache  \  _ 

Sun j  [  Sunflower. 

Young  Deer Swollen  joints  and  mus-  Cedar  leaves  and  Deer  Po- 

cles.  ta,to(Licinariascariosa). 

Water  Moccasin  .  . .  .Swollen  cheeks,  tooth-  Dried  twigs  and  leaves, 
ache  and  sore  gums. 

Hog Nausea  and  indigestion  .  .(Hierocicum  species). 

Water  Wolf Nausea,  dysentery Sassafras. 

Snake  Hunting Swollen  face  and  limbs .  .Cedar  leaves. 

Little  Turtle Coughing,  sores  on  limbs  Wild  Cherry  bark. 

and  neck. 

Panther )  XT 

Wildcat |  Nausea,  gripes 

Bear Nausea,  dysentery (Chenopodium  species). 

Bird Nausea,  dysentery,  stiff   Bird's  nest. 

limbs. 

Horse Gastritis   Corn  cobs. 

Beaver Pain  in  bowels,  consti-  Black  Willow  (?)  and 

pation.  tulip  (?). 

Fish Insomnia  Ginseng. 

Great  Horned  Ser-     Swollen  limbs,  lameness.  (?) 

pent. 

Raccoon -\ 

Yellow  Alligator ..  V-  Insomnia,  Melancholia  . .          (?) 

Otter ) 

Ghost Fever (?) 


134  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

The  explanation  of  the  origin  of  diseases  and  medicines,  as  given  by  my 
Creek  informant,  is  as  follows,  in  abstract,  "Our  ancestors  of  the  olden  time 
told  it.  The  Deer  said  that  he  made  the  sickness  and  the  medicine  for  it, 
thus  (for  the  cure  of  trouble  inflicted  by  him).  The  Bear  .  .  .  etc.  The  Many 
Snakes  ,  .  .  etc.  The  Felines  .  .  .  etc.  The  Water  Creatures  .  .  .  etc.  The 
Seashore  Creatures  .  .  .  etc." 

Sickness  is  called  galen',  'trouble'.  The  expression  for  sickness  is  rather 
peculiar.  There  is  no  regular  verb  for  it,  so  when  a  man  is  sick  he  says  "Sick- 
ness, or  trouble,  feels  me"  (galen'  dze  yur). 

Sympathetic  healing  appears  to  be  the  underlying  theory  in  the  use  of 
the  formulas  and  herbs.  It  characterizes  the  practices,  so  far  as  I  know,  of 
most  of  the  southeastern  tribes.  A  very  conservative  man  named  Kyefbane  is 
said  to  be  the  one  best  informed  in  shamanism,  and  it  is  likely  that  a  collec- 
tion of  formulas  could  be  obtained  from  him  if  he  could  be  induced  to  part 
with  his  knowledge.  Shamans  hold  their  formulas  in  high  esteem  and  will 
only  impart  them  to  chosen  or  favored  persons,  even  then  at  monopoly 
rates  of  charge.  If  perchance  ordinary  persons  come  into  possession  of  a 
knowledge  of  any  formulas  or  remedies  they  make  use  of  them  the  same  as  a 
regular  shaman  would.  Spiritual  appointment  to  the  office  does  not  seem  to 
be  entirely  necessary  for  success.  Anyone  who  knows  some  good  cures  can  find 
employment  in  his  neighborhood.  Charges  may  be  made  for  such  treat- 
ment, but  never  need  be  paid  until  recovery  or  at  least  improvement  is 
obtained. 

To  illustrate  this  I  will  give  the  experience  of  a  Sand  Creek  Yuchi.  He 
was  quite  clever  in  diagnosing  and  curing  troubles  among  the  Indians.  Once 
while  he  Was  lounging  about  town  with  some  friends,  a  very  emaciated  white 
man  whom  they  knew  passed  by.  He  complained  of  being  sick  with  some 
trouble  which  the  physicians  could  not  account  for.  The  Yuchi  casually  re- 
marked that  he  could  cure  him.  Thereupon  the  white  man  declared  that  unless 
he  could  be  cured  he  knew  he  would  die,  and  that  he  would  make  it  worth  while 
to  the  doctor  who  cured  him.  The  Yuchi  became  interested,  secured  the  man's 
consent  and  started  in  with  his  shamanism.  After  working  over  the  man  for 
some  weeks  he  began  to  improve  and  finally  he  was  cured  so  that  he  could 
continue  with  his  trade.  The  man  did  very  well  after  this  in  health  and  in 
business  but  the  Yuchi  never  asked  him  for  pay.  Some  time  afterwards  the  two 
met  on  the  street  in  company  with  some  friends.  They  remarked  on  the  man's 
recovery  and  prosperity.  He  was  very  profuse  in  his  praise  of  the  Indian 
treatment  and  then  to  show  his  appreciation  decided  to  be  generous  before 
the  company.  He  munificently  rewarded  the  expectant  old  shaman  with  the 
sum  of  fifty  cents.  This  aroused  a  great  deal  of  laughter  among  the  Indians 
for  some  time  after.  The  old  man  repeated  it  to  everybody  over  and  over 
again  in  lengthy  terms,  describing  how  he  dug  roots,  sang  songs  and  blew  up 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  135 

medicine  until  he  was  breathless,  for  several  months,  to  make  a  great  case. 
But  he  never  threatened  to  undo  his  cure. 

I  did  not  learn  of  the  existence  of  any  women  "who  made  a  practice  of 
shamanism. 

The  shamans  furthermore  possess  secret  means  of  divination.  The  town 
chief  of  the  Sand  Creek  settlement  gave  an  example  of  his  power  in  this  direc- 
tion just  before  the  annual  celebration  of  1904.  I  ventured  to  suggest  to  the 
master  of  ceremonies  that  I  be  allowed  to  fast  in  the  square  during  the  second 
day  of  the  ceremony  and  take  the  emetic  with  the  others.  He  told  me  that 
he  would  consult  with  the  town  chief  about  it  to  see  whether  I  had  eaten 
any  corn  or  not,  as,  it  will  be  recalled,  those  who  have  partaken  of  corn  before- 
hand are  forbidden  the  privilege  of  joining  in  the  rites.  In  the  meanwhile  the 
town  chief  consulted  a  pot  of  medicine  for  the  answer.  Just  what  he  did  and 
how  the  answer  appeared  to  him  I  could  not  learn.  Shortly  afterwards  the 
master,  of  ceremonies  returned.  I  was  told  that  the  town  chief  found  out  that 
I  had  recently  eaten  corn  and  thereby  violated  the  taboo.  The  master  of  cere- 
monies then  asked  me  if  it  were  true  and  I  told  him  that  it  was. 

One  process  of  divination  to  learn  the  animal  that  causes  disease  is  to 
conjure  in  some  way  over  a  pot  of  medicine  until  the  image  of  the  animal  ap- 
pears in  the  stuff.  The  shaman  claims  to  see  the  reflection  at  the  bottom  of  the 
pot.  A  similar  process  is  common  among  the  Creeks,  .and,  incidentally,  I 
learned  that  the  Chickasaw  seer  divined  by  means  of  a  piece  of  bear's  dung 
or  by  the  leaning  of  an  upright  pole.1 

CEREMONIES. 

What  has  so  far  been  said  in  regard  to  the  treatment  of  disease  deals  only 
with  what  might  properly  be  called  shamanism.  Besides  the  regular  practice 
of  curing  disease,  which  is  in  the  hands  of  especially  qualified  persons,  there 
are  various  methods  employed  by  individuals  for  themselves  when  attacked  by 
sickness  or  threatened  with  it.  The  town  itself  celebfates  a  public  ceremony 
when  threatened  with  evil  in  the  shape  of  sickness,  or  when  actually  suffering 
from  some  epidemic.  When  a  man  becomes  sick  and  does  not  desire  to  em- 
ploy a  shaman  to  cure  him  but  prefers  to  treat  himself,  he  can  resort  to  the 
sweat-bath  and  emetic.  In  some  respects  the  sweat-bath  of  the  Yuchi  is 
similar  to  that  of  many  other  American  tribes,  but  there  are  some  differences. 
A  tent-like  shelter  is  erected  conveniently  near  running  water  and  made 
thoroughly  weather-tight.  The  operator  then  provides  himself  with  a  vessel  of 
water,  in  which  is  steeped  one  of  the  several  roots  which  acted  as  emetics. 
Tobacco,  red  root,  or  button  snake  root  (the  latter  two  having  been  mentioned 

1  See  notes  on  Chickasaw  Ethnology  and  Folk-Lore,  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 
No.  76,  p.  51  (1907). 


136  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

in  the  account  of  the  annual  ceremonies)  can  be  used  for  this.  If  tobacco  be 
employed,  only  a  palmful  of  the  dried  blossoms  to  a  pail  of  water  is  necessary. 
Rocks  are  heated  and  piled  in  the  center  of  the  floor  space  in  the  tent,  and 
when  all  is  ready  the  patient  enters  naked,  closes  himself  in  and  begins  to 
drink  as  much  of  the  emetic  as  he  can.  When  two  or  three  dipperfuls  have 
been  swallowed  vomiting  begins.  The  operator  vomits  upon  the  hot  rocks 
and  the  liquid  turns  immediately  into  a  cloud  of  steam.  In  this  way  the 
process  of  drinking  and  vomiting  on  the  hot  rocks  is  kept  up  until  the  man 
is  thoroughly  sweated  and  purged  internally.  Then  he  emerges  and  plunges 
into  the  river. 

The  sweat-bath  is  taken  not  only  when  sickness  is  felt  but  from  time  to 
time  by  different  individuals  to  ward  it  off.  It  is  done  also  to  right  one's  self 
with  the  Sun  deity,  and  before  serious  undertakings  like  the  hunt,  the 
journey  or  the  warpath.  The  town  also  has  a  general  public  ceremony,  the 
object  of  which  is  to  ward  off  not  only  sickness  but  evils  of  other  sorts  what- 
ever they  might  be.  The  ceremony  embodies  the  ideas  of  physical  purging, 
of  purification  in  a  religious  sense  and  of  propitiation  to  the  various  super- 
natural beings.  It  consists  of  dancing  and  vomiting. 

The  ceremony  is  called  Tsotl'ben6n,  'Medicine  Drinking.'  When  sickness, 
or  trouble  in  general  is  abroad  or  threatens  the  town,  the  town  chief  called  the 
families  to  the  square-ground  for  the  observance.  At  sundown  they  gather 
while  a  quantity  of  the  emetic  is  prepared.  Everyone  is  given  to  drink 
until  he  vomits.  Then  in  the  interval  the  proper  persons  prepare  more  of  the 
draught,  while  the  people  spend  the  time  in  dancing  various  dances.  When 
the  medicine  is  ready  again  the  gocone',  the  leader  of  the  Warrior  society,  calls 
the  people  for  another  drink.  This  they  take,  allowing  it  to  have  its  effect, 
then  fall  to  dancing  again.  During  the  whole  ceremony,  which  is  carried  on 
all  night,  no  one  is  allowed  to  sleep  or  doze.  The  officers  of  the  Warrior  society 
have  to  see  to  it  that  no  one  breaks  this  rule.  The  dancing  and  drinking  are 
continued  until  sunrise,  at  which  time  the  ceremony  is  ended. 

A  few  other  individual  practices  for  curing  sickness  in  children  were 
observed.  These  are,  so  to  speak,  family  methods  quite  generally  known 
and  practiced  without  any  particular  ceremony.  For  a  sore  mouth  and 
irritation  of  the  intestines  the  fresh  blood  of  a  chicken  is  thought  to  be 
effective.  The  living  fowl  is  cut  through  the  back  of  the  neck,  the  bleeding 
stump  thrust  into  the  open  mouth  of  the  sufferer,  and  the  blood  swallowed  as 
it  flows.  For  whooping  cough  the  sufferer  drinks  some  water  in  which  a  crow 
was  soaked  whole.  The  analogy  is  said  to  be  drawn  between  the  coughing  and 
the  crow's  cawing. 

Incidentally  it  was  learned  that  the  Indians  when  suffering  with  toothache 
never  try  to  extract  the  tooth  but,  if  they  do  anything,  just  chew  some  strong 
herbs,  sometimes  tobacco. 


F.   G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY   OF    THE   YUCHI    INDIANS. 


137 


I  found  a  man  with  a  piece  of  some  small  whitish  root,  which  looked  as 
though  it  might  be  ginseng,  in  his  money  bag.  He  said  that  it  was  good  to 
keep  away  sickness.  He  also  used  an  infusion  of  it  to  relieve  his  child  of  croup 
at  night.  He  said  that  he  always  carried  it  when  traveling. 

Tobacco  blossoms  are  employed  as  an  ordinary  physic  and  emetic.  Three 
or  four  of  the  dried  blossoms  suffice  when  steeped  in  a  medium  sized  pot  of 
water. 

The  common  method  of  treating  nose-bleed  is  to  pour  cold  water  over  the 
sufferer's  head. 


Protective  amulets  were  more  commonly  worn  heretofore  than  now.    One 
specimen  was  obtained  from  the  neck  of  a  child.     Its  particular  function  was 
to  bring  sleep  and  rest  to  the  wearer.     The  thing  consists  of  an  insect  larva 
sewed  tightly  in  a  buckskin  covering  decorated  on  one  side 
with  blue  and  white  beads  (Fig.  42) .    The  fetish  symbolizes 
a  turtle,  the  similarity  in  form  being  carried  out  further  by 
three  little  loops  of  white  beads  representing  the  hind  legs  and 
tail.     A  double  potency  was  ascribed  to  this  object  since  it 
embodies  the  influence  of  two  creatures  who  spend  much  of 
their  existence  in  a  dormant  state.     In  the  figure  white  beads 
are  represented  by  open  spaces  and  dark  blue  beads  by  the 
filled-in  spaces.     The  center  row  of  lighter  blue  is  shown  by 
the  shaded  spaces. 

Another  charm  to  keep  children  from  getting  sick  was 
composed  of  some  small  white  bones  wrapped  up  in  buckskin 
or  rag  and  tied  to  their  necks  or  hammocks.  Bones  of  this 
sort  were  also  believed  to  prevent  children  from  crying  in  the  night  and  to 
protect  them  in  general  from  the  effects  of  all  possible  evil.  It  is  also  under- 
stood that  men  wore  small,  curiously  formed  objects,  or  trophies,  which  had 
some  relation  to  events  in  their  career,  in  the  belief  that  the  things  would  prove 
effectual  in  protecting  and  guiding  them  in  some  way. 


Fig.  42.  Amulet. 


138        .  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 


MYTHOLOGY. 

Some  of  the  most  important  mythologic  accounts  have  been  given  in  the 
description  of  religious  beliefs  and  need  not  be  repeated  .  If  the  following 
interpretation  of  Southern  mythology  be  correct,  it  would  seem  that  the  myths 
of  the  Yuchi  and  the  other  southeastern  tribes  belong  in  one  fairly  homogeneous 
group,  and  that  the  fundamental  myth  elements,  here  somewhat  specialized 
on  account  of  local  interests,  also  belong  in  the  extensive  common  category 
widely  distributed  over  the  continent. 

The  cosmogonic  idea  of  the  Yuchi,  and  the  other  tribes  of  the  Southeast, 
is  purely  creational,  in  contrast  to  the  transformational  concept  of  the  Algon- 
kian,  Siouan,  and  especially  of  the  tribes  of  the  northwest  Pacific  coast. 
The  cosmogonic  myth  type  of  the  Cherokee,  Muskogi  and  Yuchi  is,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  as  follows: 

Water  is  everywhere.  The  only  living  creatures  are  flying  beings  and 
water  beings.  They  dispute  over  existing  conditions  and  some  decide  to 
make,  a  world.  They  induce  Crawfish  (Creek,  Yuchi)  or  Beetle  (Cherokee)  to 
dive  for  it.  When  earth  is  brought  up  from  the  depths  of  the  water,  it  is  made 
to  grow  until  it  becomes  the  present  earth.  Buzzard  is  deputed  to  fly  over, 
and  flatten  it,  but  he  tires  and  so  causes  roughness  in  the  form  of  mountains. 
After  this  comes  the  creation  of  sun,  moon  and  stars  for  the  benefit  of  the 
terrestrial  creatures.  Then  follows  the  creation  of  man,  \vhich  varies  too  much 
among  the  types  for  composite  rendering.1 

The  following  two  classes  may  be  distinguished  in  the  myths:  the  sacred, 
relating  to  the  culture  hero  and  the  deeds  of  the  animal  creators,  and  the 
commonplace,  relating  to  the  Rabbit  trickster,  various  animals,  and  their  ex- 
ploits, etc.  The  latter  class,  subject  to  much  variation  and  change  at  the  hands 
of  different  individuals,  is  extremely  characteristic  of  the  whole  Southeast. 

The  culture  hero  concept  so  general  throughout  America  is  found  among 
the  Yuchi  embodied  in  the  personality  of  the  Sun.  The  trickster  and  trans- 
former character  is  found  in  the  Rabbit,  a  personage  here  quite  separate  and 
distinct  from  the  culture  hero. 

The  culture  hero  concept  is  closely  connected  with  religion  and  ritual, 
while  the  trickster  concept  is  not.  The  culture  hero  is  believed  to  be  the  author 
of  Yuchi  tribal  existence,  their  clan  system,  ceremonies,  etc.,  but  does  not 

1  Myths  of  the  Creeks,  W.  O.  Tuggle,  MSS.  Bur.  Amer.  Eth.;  Myths  of  Cherokee,  J. 
Mooney,  Nineteenth  Rep.  Bur.  Amer.  Eth.,  p.  239;  Creek  Inds.  of  Taskigi  Town,  Speck, 
op.  cit.,  p.  145. 


F.    G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY   OF    THE   TUCHI    IXDIAX8.  139 

seem  to  be  concerned  in  the  creation  myth.  As  the  myth  relates,  the  Sun  deity 
placed  the  Yuchi  under  obligation  to  follow  out  his  instructions  in  worship  to 
insure  their  tribal  integrity  and  they  look  to  him  as  the  author  of  all  good. 

The  culture  hero  myth  of  the  Yuchi,  with  the  one  personality,  his  coming, 
his  creation  of  the  Yuchi,  his  instructions  to  them,  and  his  departure  and 
promise,  suggests  a  legend  of  the  Creeks  quoted  by  numerous  authors  and  first 
recorded  by  Hawkins.1  Here  four  deities,  'hiyouyulgee',2  probably  cardinal 
point  deities,  appear  analogous  to  the  Sun  deity  of  the  Yuchi.  Although 
no  other  authentic  mention  has  been  made  of  the  entire  myth  among  the 
Creeks,  the  one  described  by  Hawkins  looks  very  much  like  a  partial  outline  of 
the  Yuchi  culture-hero  myth. 

Another  important  mention  of  the  four  culture  heroes  of  the  Creeks  and 
the  origin  of  ceremonies  and  medicine  plants  is  found  in  the  Tuggle  collection 
of  Creek  Myths.3  The  myth  comes  from  Tookabatchie  (Tukaba^tci}  town. 

Four  persons  came  from  "Esakutumisi"4  and  brought  some  metal  plates 
to  them,  which  are  retained  and  exhibited  to  this  day  in  the  public  square  at 
the  ceremonies,  as  town  "palladia."  These  four  deities  instructed  the  Tooka- 
batchie, prophesied  the  coming  of  the  whites,  bequeathed  them  their  ceremonial 
care  of  the  metal  plates  and  made  their  future  welfare  dependent  upon  it. 
One  of  the  four  died  and  over  the  spot  where  he  was  buried  a  plant  appeared 
which  was  tobacco.  (Tookabatchie  town  is  credited  by  Tuggle  with  a 
migration  legend  similar  to  that  of  Kasi^ta.) 

Owing  to  the  fact  that  so  many  of  the  myths,  or  parts  of  myths,  current 
among  the  southeastern  tribes  are  analogous  to  those  found  among  the  southern 
negroes,  much  discussion  has  arisen  over  their  origin.  Without  regard  to  the 
names  of  characters  involved  in  the  tales,  the  elements  of  action  ought  to  be 
the  means  of  determining  to  some  extent  the  source  of  a  large  number.  Where 
analogous  events  are  found  in  the  mythologies  of  other  American  tribes  less 

1  Myth  from  Hawkins,     Sketch  of  Creek  Country,  1798-99,  pp.  81,  82. 
"Opinion  of  Tassekiah  Micco  on  Origin  of  the  Creeks,  and  the  New  Fire. 

"There  are  in  the  forks  of  Red  river two  mounds  of  earth Here 

they  were  visited  by  the  Hiyouyulgee,  four  men  who  came  from  the  four  corners  of  the 
world.  One  of  these  asked  the  Indians  where  they  would  have  their  fire.  They  pointed 
to  a  place;  it  was  made,  and  they  sat  down  around  it.  The  Hiyouyulgee  directed  that 
they  should  pay  particular  attention  to  the  fire,  that  it  would  preserve  them  and  let 
Esaugetuh  Emissea  know  their  wants.  One  of  these  visitors  took  them  and  showed 
them  the  passau  (Button  Snake  Root,  f^dde',  of  the  Yuchi);  another  showed  them  the 
Micco  ho  yo  ejau  (Red  Root,  to  tcala',  of  the  Yuchi),  then  the  Auch^nau  (Cedar)  and 

Tooloh  (Sweet  Bay) After  this,  the  four  visitors  disappeared  in  a  cloud  going 

from  whence  they  came " 

2  Ha'yayAlgi, '  Light  people,'  'People  of  the  light/   Brinton,  Myths  of  New  World,  pp. 
94,  95. 

3  MS.  unpublished  in  Bureau  American  Ethnology. 

4  Hisakida  imissi,  'Master  of  Breath.' 


140  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

influenced  by  outsiders,  it  may  be  safely  assumed  that  those  myths,  or  parts,  are 
native  to  America.  And  in  some  cases,  too,  purely  indigenous  myth  actions 
have  been  recorded  from  both  Africa  and  America.  No  discussion  is  necessary 
in  such  cases  of  accidental  similarity.  But  a  large  number  of  Indian  myths 
of  the  Southeast  show  both  Indian  and  negro  aspects,  and  it  is  in  regard  to  this 
class  of  myth  that  the  question  arises. 

From  Indian  informants  it  has  been  recently  learned  that  stories  describing 
the  cunning  and  wisdom  of  various  animals  corresponding  to  clan  totems,  have 
been  welcomed  by  the  Indians  to  illustrate  the  superiority  of  some  particular 
totcmic  animal.  As  the  honor  of  the  totem  is  carefully  maintained  by  each 
clan,  it  is  quite  natural  that  any  tale  adding  to  the  glory  of  a  totem  should  be 
adopted  by  the  members  of  the  clan  and  told  as  though  it  were  actually  con- 
cerned with  their  totem.  Wherefore  elements  of  African  or  European  myths 
have  been  continually  engrafted  in  whole  or  in  part  on  the  native  stock  of  ani- 
mal tales,  until  it  is  hardly  possible  now  to  distinguish  which  is  which.  This 
explanation  was  furnished  by  Indians  and  seems  to  be  generally  understood 
among  the  Yuchi,  Creek  and  Chickasaw,  and  it  may  possibly  apply  to  other 
southern  tribes  in  a  like  manner. 

As  the  Yuchi  material  appears  to  belong  so  inseparably  to  the  general 
type  of  mythology  of  the  Southeast  as  a  whole,  we  shall  deal  in  brief  with 
the  whole  region  instead  of  with  the  Yuchi  alone.  Such  a  thing  as  exclusively 
pure  Yuchi  mythology,  I  fear,  could  not  truthfully  be  spoken  of  nowadays, 
since  borrowing  has  gone  on  so  extensively.  A  few  cognates  of  the  myths, 
found  by  collateral  reading  in  the  mythologies  of  other  tribes,  are  given 
incidentally  in  footnotes.  They  do  not  represent  any  attempt  to  make  a 
complete  concordance. 

Leaving  the  important  myths  relating  to  cosmogony,  we  find  a  great  many 
myths  relating  to  heroes,  monsters,  tricksters  and  other  beings  concerned  with 
transformation  in  the  Southeast,  some  elements  of  which  are  cognate  with 
Algonkian  and  Iroquois  myths,  others  with  those  of  the  Southwest.  A  general 
review  of  these  myths  from  the  Southeast  brings  out  the  following  features 
and  comparisons. 

Stories  of  monsters  clad  in  bone,  stone,  metal  or  scales  are  very  character- 
istic of  the  region.  The  monster  is  usually  a  cannibal,  and  is  finally  slain  by 
persons  or  beings  who  have  learned  the  secret  of  its  only  vulnerable  spot.  The 
culture  hero  often  appears  as  the  slayer.1  The  account  of  the  trickster  who, 

1  Creek  (Migration  Leg.  of  Creeks,  Gatschet,  p.  248).  Cherokee  (Cher.  Myths,  Mooney, 
19th  Rep.  Bur.  Amer.  Eth.,  pp.  319,  326,  311).  Menomini  (Menomini  Inds.,  Hoffman,  14th 
Rep.  Bur.  Am.  Eth.,  p.  229).  Micmac  (Alg.  Leg.  of  N.  E.,  Leland,  p.  38).  Wyandot 
(Wyandot  Folk-Lore,  Connelly,  p.  91).  Sarcee  (J.  A.  F.  L.,  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 
Vol.  XVII,  p.  181).  Saulteaux  and  Cree  (Alg.  Ind.  Tales,  E.  R.  Young,  p.  166).  Dakota 
(Contr.  to  N.  A.  Ethn.,  Vol.  IX,  p.  101).  Sia  (llth  Rep.  Bur.  Amer.  Eth.,  Stevenson,  p, 
45).  Jicarilla  Apache  ( Amer.  Anth.,  Vol.,XI,  p.  208).  Wichita. 


F.   G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  141 

when  invited  to  dine  with  a  friend  who  produces  food  by  miracles,  is  unable 
to  imitate  his  host  when  he  himself  tries,  is  even  more  general  and  uniform.2 
Other  elements  of  wide  distribution  are:  The  race  between  two  rivals  and 
the  victory  of  the  trickster  by  strategy.3  The  narrative  of  the  men  who 
travel  to  the  spirit  land  to  visit  some  deity  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  boon, 
upon  the  receipt  of  which  one  of  them  fails  to  heed  certain  restrictions, 
and  suffers  disastrous  results.4  The  accepted  type  of  what  is  now  known 
as  the  magic  flight  or  obstacle  myth,  with  various  modifications.5  The  steal- 
ing of  fire  by  the  culture  hero,  or  an  animal  concourse  (Cherokee),  or  Rabbit 
(Creek,  Yuchi).6  The  dispute  over  day  and  night  by  the  animals,  and  the 
introduction  of  day.7  And  lastly,  for  the  present,  the  tar-man  story, 
so  common  throughout  western  Africa  and  among  the  American  negroes,8 
which  tells  of  the  capture  of  a  rogue  by  setting  a  figure  made  of  adhesive 
pitch,  or  other  substances,  where  he  must  come  into  contact  with  it.  The  Jica- 
rilla  Apache  version,  though  remote  from  the  Southeast,  is  closely  analogous  to 


2  Creek  (Tuggle,  MS.)-     Cherokee    (Mooney,     p.   273).     Thompson    River  (Teit,  p. 
40).     Algonkin  (Leland,  p.    208-213).     Jicarilla  Apache  (Russel,  J.  A.  F.  L.,   Vol.  II, 
p.  265-66).     Arapaho  (Field   Col.  Mus.,  Vol.    V,  p.  116).     Navaho  (Mathews,  p.  87). 
Micmac  (Rand,   p.   302-3).     Chilcotin  (Trad,  of  the  Chilcotin,  Farrand,  p.  18).     Biloxi 
(J.  A.  F.  L.,  Vol.  VI,  p.  49).     Wichita. 

3  Creek  (Tuggle,  MS.).     Cherokee  (Mooney,  pp.  270,  290).  Menomini,  Saulteaux  and 
Cree  (Young,  p.  246).     Zuni  (Gushing,  Zuni  Folk-Tales,  p.  277).     Arikara  (Trad,  of  the 
Arikara,  Dorsey,  p.  143).     Wichita. 

4 Creek,  Cherokee  (Mooney,  p.  253-5).  Menomini  (Hoffman,  p.  118).  Thompson 
River  (Teit,  pp.  53, 85).  Algonkin  (Leland,  p.  94).  Saulteaux  and  Cree  (Young,  p.  244). 
Micmac  (Rand,  p.  233).  Article  in  Amer.  Anth.,  Dorsey,  Vol.  VI,  p.  64.  Omaha  (Cont. 
to  N.  A.  Eth.,  Vol.  VI.  p.  185-188).  Shawnee  (Gregg,  Commerce  of  Prairies,  Vol.  II, 
p.  239-240).  New  Brunswick  (Parkman,  Jesuits  in  N.  A.).  Chinook,  Wichita. 

5  Creek  (Tuggle,  MS.).  Menomini  (Hoffman,  p.  188-9).  Thompson  River  (Teit,  p.  92). 
Passamaquoddy  (Leland,  p.  214).  Navaho  (Mathews,  p.  102).  Dakota  (Riggs,  p.  108, 
Vol.  IX).  General  European  distribution  (Boas,  J.  A.  F.  L.,  Vol.  4,  1891,  p.  19). 
Cree  (Canadian  Sav.  Folk,  MacLean,  p.  71).  Blackfoot  (J.  A.  F.  L.,  Vol.  VI,  p.  44). 
Mohegan  (J.  A.  F.  L.,  Vol.  XVI,  p.  104).  Cheyenne  (J.  A.  F.  L.,  Vol.  XVI,  p.  108).  Chip- 
pewyan  (J.  A.  F.  L.,  Vol.  XVI,  p.  80-84).  Ojibway  (Schoolcraft,  Myth  of  Hiawatha,  p. 
249).  Wichita. 

8  Creek  (Tuggle,  MS.).  Jicarilla  (Russel,  p.  261).  Cherokee  (Mooney,  p.  240).  Menom- 
ini (Hoffman,  p.  126).  Saulteaux  and  Cree  (Young,  96-105,  89-94).  Nez  Perces  (J.  A. 
F.  L.,  Vol.  4,  p.  327).  Chilcotin  (Memoirs  Amer.  Mus.  Natl.  Hist.,  Vol.  IV).  Tsimshian 
(Tsimshian  Texts,  Boas,  p.  31).  Maidu  (Bull.  Amer.  Mus.  Natl.  Hist.,  Vol.  XVII,  Part  II, 
p.  65). 

7  Cherokee  (Mooney,  p.  251).     Thompson  River  (Teit,  p.  61).  Iroquois  (Second  Rep. 
Bur.  Am.  Eth.,  Smith). 

8  Africa  (Ewe  Speaking  People,  Ellis,  p.  275;  Yoruba  Speaking  People,  Ellis,  p.  252). 
Amer.  Negro  (Uncle  Remus,  Harris,  p.  23).  Angola  (Chatelain,  p.  183-9).  Kaffir  (Theal., 
p.  179).     Louisiana  (J.  A.  F.  L.  Memoirs,  Vol.   II,   Fortier,  p.  98).     Bahama   (J.  A.  F. 
L.  Memoirs,  Vol.  Ill,  Edwards,  p.  73). 


142  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

the  latter  account.  In  eastern  Algonkian,  Gluscap  punishes  a  rogue,  Pitcher,  by 
causing  him  to  stick  to  a  tree  by  his  back,  and  transforming  him  into  a  toad. 
Arapaho  tradition  tells  of  a  child,  born  from  the  cut  in  a  man's  foot,  being 
pursued  by  a  buffalo  who  wants  to  marry  her.  She  takes  refuge  in  a  hollow 
stump  to  which  the  buffalo  sticks,  when  he  strikes  it  with  his  head  in  trying  to 
dislodge  her.  In  Wichita,  After-birth  Boy  and  his  brother  lay  on  a  stone  which 
they  find,  and  stick  to  it.9 

There  are  a  few  more  legends  that  deserve  emphasizing  in  their  connec- 
tion with  the  Southeast.  One  of  these  is  the  migration  legend,  found  in  all 
branches  of  the  Muskogi,  the  Yuchi  and  the  Cherokee.  Nearly  all  the  Algon- 
kian tribes  have  it,  and  the  Plains  tribes  share  it.10 

The  common  element  to  the  whole  region  is  the  eastward  or  westward 
journey  of  the  soul  and  the  obstacles  it  meets  with.  The  most  general  type 
of  obstacle  is  the  cloud  swaying  at  the  end  of  the  earth,  \vhere  it  and  sky  meet. 
This  is  the  barrier  to  the  spirit  world,  through  which  everyone  desiring  entrance 
to  the  spirit  realm  must  pass.11  Some  of  the  transformations  brought  about 
by  the  animal  creators  of  the  Southeast  are  the  procuring  of  land,12  fire,13 
tobacco14  and  the  bestowing  of  characteristics  upon  various  beasts. 

Lastly,  mention  need  only  be  made  of  the  almost  universal  occurrence, 
in  North  America,  of  the  tradition  which  recounts  the  experiences  of  someone 
who  fell  into  a  trance,  believed  that  he  passed  over  to  the  spirit  world  where 
he  saw  the  supreme  deity,  received  a  message  from  him  to  the  people  on  earth 
and  eventually  returned  to  life,  becoming  a  sort  of  prophet  or  messenger  of 
the  supreme  deity.  The  myth  explaining  the  origin  of  death,  W'herein  death  is 
introduced  upon  the  earth  through  the  mistake  or  disobedience  of  someone,  or 
by  mere  chance,  is  also  fairly  typical  of  America. 

9  Creek  (Tuggle,  MS.).  Cherokee  (Mooney,  p.  271-2).  Jicarilla  Apache  (Russel,  J.  A.  F. 
L.,  Vol.  II,  p.  268).  Algonkin  (Leland,  p.  48).  Arapaho  (Pub.  of  Field  Col.  Museum,  Vol. 
V,  p.  153).  Wichita  (J.  A.  F.  L.,  Vol.  XVII,  p.  159).  Biloxi  (J.  A.  F.  L.,  Vol.  VI,  p.  48). 
Osage  (Traditions  of  the  Osage,  G.  A.  Dorsey,  p.  24). 

10  Cherokee  (Mooney,  p.  391).  Creek  (Migration  Legend,  Gatschet).  Choctaw,  Chicasaw, 
Hitchiti  (Gallatin,  Synopsis  of  Ind.  Tribes,  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.,  Vol.  II,  p.  100,  1836).  Len- 
ape  (Brinton,  The  Lenape  and  their  Legends,  p.  138,  141-3).   Tonkawa  (Mooney,  Harper's 
Mag.,  Aug.,  1901).  Kiowa  (17th  Rep.  Bur.  Amer.  Eth.,  Part  1,  p.  153).  Sarcee  (J.  A.  F.  L., 
Vol.  XVII,  p.  180).     Tuscarora  (Legends  of  Iroquois,  Elias  Johnson,  p.  43).     Menomini 
(Hoffman,  p.  217).     Blackfoot  (Amer.  Anth.,  Vol.  5,  p.   162).     Nanticoke  (Lenape  and 
their  Legends,  p.   139).     Shawnee  (Gregg,  Commerce  of  the  Prairies,  Vol.  II,  p.  256). 
Arikara  (Trad,  of  Arikara,  Dorsey,  p.  31). 

"Cherokee  (Mooney,  p.  255-6).  Micmac  (Rand,  p.  233).  Siouan  (Amer.  Anth., 
Vol.  VI,  p.  64,  Dorsey).  Iroquois  (Amer.  Anth.,  1892,  p.  344).  Shawnee  (Gregg,  Com- 
merce of  Prairies,  Vol.  II,  p.  239-40).  New  Brunswick  (Parkman,  Jesuits  of  N.  A.). 
Thompson  River  (Teit,  p.  85,  53).  Menomini  (Hoffman,  p.  206).  Tillamook  (Boas,  J.  A. 
F.  L.,  Vol.  II,  p.  30).  Ottawa  (Schoolcraft,  p.  386).  Wichita. 

12  Cherokee,  Creek,  Yuchi.     13  Creek,  Yuchi,  Cherokee  Myths,  p.  200.     "  Ibid.,  p.  254. 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  143 


SUPPLEMENTARY  MYTHS. 

5.    ORIGIN  OF  THE  OTHER  TRIBES,  AND  A  CHIEF'S  VISIT  TO  RECEIVE   THE 
CREATOR'S  PROPHECY. 

Now  the  people  had  come  upon  the  earth.  The  Shawnee  came  from  above. 
The  Creeks  came  from  the  ground.  The  Choctaw  came  from  the  water.  The 
Yuchi  came  from  the  sun. 

So  Gohanton6  appointed  a  day  for  them  to  meet  and  mingle,  because  he 
thought  at  first  that  it  would  be  better  for  them  to  do  that.  Accordingly  they 
met  at  the  place  of  sunrise,  in  the  east,  and  mingled  together  in  friendship. 
They  smoked  together  and  held  a  council.  After  considering,  they  concluded 
that  it  would  be  better  for  all  if  they  did  not  mix  up.  And  henceforth  they 
separated,  each  tribe  going  its  own  way  and  living  alone. 

The  Shawnee  said,  "  Our  name  is  Shawnee,  and  we'll  go  off  by  ourselves. " 
So  they  went. 

The  Creeks  said,.  "We  are  Muskogi,  and  we'll  go  off  by  ourselves." 

The  Choctaw  said,  "We're  Choctaw."     And  they  went  away. 

The  Yuchi  were  there  too,  and  they  said,  "Our  name  is  Yuchi."  And 
they  in  turn  left.  Each  tribe  selected  its  own  place  to  live  in,  and  went  there. 

Now  after  a  while,  when  they  had  been  separated  some  time,  Gohantont 
thought  the  thing  over  and  said, 

"You  have  nothing.  So  I'll  give  you  something.  I'll  give  you  all  the 
earth." 

Then  he  gave  them  the  earth,  and  they  scattered  over  it. 

Now  after  a  while  Gohdntone  thought  the  matter  over  again.  Then  a  Creek 
chief  died.  When  the  chief  was  dead  he  appeared  before  Gohdntone,  who  said 
to  him, 

"This  land  belongs  to  you  and  your  children  forever.  This  land  will  be 
yours  forever,  but  these  whites  who  have  just  come  will  overwhelm  you  and 
inherit  your  land.  They  will  increase  and  the  Indian  will  decrease  and  at 
last  die  out.  Then  only  white  people  will  remain.  But  there  will  be  terrible 
times. " 

So  spoke  Gohdntone  to  the  dead  Creek  chief.  For  four  days  he  lay  dead, 
then  he  came  to  life  again.  When  he  woke  up  he  was  well.  He  immediately 
called  a  great  council.  Shawnee,  Choctaw,  Creeks  and  Yuchi  all  assembled 
to  hear  him,  and  he  told  them  all  that  he  had  seen  and  heard.  He  told  them 
that  the  land  would  belong  to  the  Indian  forever,  but  the  white  man  would 
overrun  it.  So  the  thing  is  coming  to  pass  as  Gohdnton£  said. 


144  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  PUB.  UNIV.  OF  PA.  MUSEUM,  VOL.  I. 

6.     RABBIT  STEALS  FIRE  FOR  THE  PEOPLE. 

In  the  beginning  there  was  no  fire  on  the  earth,  and  there  seemed  to  be 
no  way  to  get  it.  Therefore,  when  the  people  wanted  to  eat  flesh,  they  had  to 
eat  it  raw.  Finally  the  Rabbit  said  that  he  knew  where  fire  was,  and  even 
said  that  he  could  get  it.  Then  the  people  went  into  camp  and  took  council. 
They  decided  to  send  Rabbit  to  get  the  fire  that  he  spoke  of. 

"If  you  know  where  fire  is,  then  go  and  get  it,"  they  said  to  him. 

So  Rabbit  started  out,  and  swam  across  the  ocean,  because  he  knew  that 
fire  was  only  to  be  had  on  the  other  side  of  the  sea.  The  people  over  there 
were  having  an  olden  time  dance,  and  when  Rabbit  appeared  among  them  they 
said, 

"  Here  is  a  man  who  belongs  on  the  other  side  of  the  sea.   So  watch  him  well. " 

They  selected  four  of  their  number  to  watch  him.  Now  because  Rabbit 
was  such  a  good  dancer,  they  soon  chose  him  to  lead  them  in  one  dance  after 
another.  So  while  he  was  leading  they  urged  the  four  guardians  of  Rabbit  to 
watch  him  very  closely. 

Now  when  Rabbit  began  to  lead,  he  took  a  large  shawl  and  wrapped  it 
about  his  head  and  wound  a  number  of  berry  leaves  into  it  until  the  whole  was 
very  large.  Then  they  danced  very  hard.  But  suddenly  Rabbit  picked  up  a 
coal  from  the  fire  and  put  it  on  his  head  among  the  berry  leaves  and  ran  away 
toward  his  own  land.  All  the  people  started  after  him,  but  they  could  not 
catch  him.  He  got  safely  over  the  sea  with  the  burning  coal,  and  was  crossing 
a  prairie  near  home  when  he  dropped  the  coal,  and  the  timber  all  about  was  set 
on  fire.  All  the  woods  got  on  fire.  The  people  ran  out  and  secured  the  burning 
sticks  and  gave  them  to  each  family,  so  that  they  all  could  have  fire.  And  it 
was  never  allowed  to  go  out. 

7.  RABBIT  OBTAINS  FIRE.  (SECOND  VERSION.  Abstract.) 
The  Rabbit  went  across  the  ocean  for  fire  and  got  in  among  people  who 
were  dancing.  They  were  the  people  who  possessed  fire.  He  took  some  of  the 
fire  in  his  hand  and  jumping  into  the  ocean  swam  across  with  it.  When  he  had 
landed  it  began  to  rain,  then  he  put  the  fire  in  a  stump.  When  this  took  fire 
he  scattered  the  burning  pieces  all  around  and  the  woods  caught  fire.  From 
this  the  Indians  got  it. 

8.     FOUR  MEN  VISIT  THE  SPIRIT  LAND  TO  RECOVER  THEIR  WIVES,  AND 

DEATH  ORIGINATES. 

Four  Yuchi  xvho  had  wives  decided  one  day  to  kill  them.  So  they  killed 
the  four  women.  "There  is  no  such  thing  as  death.  So  let  us  go  and  hunt 
them,"  said  they.1 

1  The  implication  in  this  statement  is  that  death  was  then  non-existent. 


F.    G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY    OF    THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  145 

Accordingly  the  four  husbands  set  out  to  find  their  wives.  They  said, 
"Let  us  go  where  the  Creator  is."  They  set  out  westward  and  traveled  a 
long  while,  coming  at  length  to  a  place  where  there  was  a  great  cave.  Before 
its  mouth  swayed  a  great  cloud,  in  such  a  manner  that  they  could  not  get  by 
it  or  around  it,  for  it  was  moving  up  and  down.  They  saw  that  their  journey 
would  end  here  unless  they  could  devise  some  means  of  passing  the  cloud.  It 
was  decided  that  they  imitate  something  very  swift  and  get  in  in  that  way. 
Said  one  of  the  men,  "I'll  be  a  deer."  So  he  became  a  deer,  and  when  the 
cloud  raised  up  the  next  time,  he  jumped  in.  The  next  said,  "  I'll  be  a  panther. " 
And  when  the  cloud  raised  up,  he  jumped  in.  The  third  man  said,  "I'll  be  a 
bear. "  And  the  next  time  the  cloud  raised  up,  he  too  jumped  in.  They  had 
all  jumped  at  the  right  time,  and  had  succeeded.  Now  the  fourth  man  said, 
"  I  am  a  man,  and  I'll  be  a  man. "  And  when  he  tried  to  get  in,  the  cloud  fell 
on  his  head  and  crushed  him. 

Then  the  three  men  who  had  reached  the  inside  of  the  cave  took  their 
natural  shape  as  men,  and  began  to  climb  up  the  back  of  the  cloud  within  the 
cave.  After  they  had  been  some  time  climbing,  they  came  to  a  wonderful 
scene,  and  as  they  went  on  they  beheld  an  old  woman  seated  there.  The  old 
woman  was  the  sun.  When  she  saw  them  she  spoke  to  them. 

"My  sons,  are  you  come.     Are  you  not  hungry?" 

And  the  men  said  that  they  were  hungry.  Accordingly  she  planted  a 
hill  of  corn,  a  hill  of  beans,  and  a  hill  of  squash  for  each  man.  Now  when  they 
saw  her  doing  this,  they  thought,  "Well,  as  we  are  so  hungry  shall  we  have 
to  wait  for  these  things  to  grow  before  we  can  eat?"  But  the  old  woman  knew 
their  thoughts,  and  replied  as  though  they  had  spoken  out  loud.  She  said, 

"You  think  you  won't  eat  very  soon,  but  you  won't  have  long  to  wait." 

Even  then  the  plants  began  to  sprout  and  grow  up,  and  soon  they  fruited, 
and  it  was  not  long  before  they  gathered  the  corn,  beans  and  squashes,  and  were 
ready  to  eat.  The  old  woman  then  put  a  small  quantity  of  the  vegetables 
before  each  man.  But  they  said,  "Do  you  think  that  that  little  will  fill  us?" 
In  reply,  she  said  to  them,  "There  will  be  some  left  over." 

When  they  had  finished  eating,  it  was  as  she  had  said.  There  was  some 
left  over.  Now  the  old  woman  spoke  to  the  men  again. 

"What  did  you  come  here  for?    What  do  you  want?"     she  asked  them. 

"We  had  four  wives  who  are  dead.  We  lost  them,  and  they  told  us  to 
hunt  for  them.  So  we  are  here." 

"Well,  they  are  here,"  said  the  old  woman,  "we  are  going  to  have  an  all- 
night  dance,  and  the  women  will  be  there.  Then  you  will  see  them." 

Now  the  men  were  deciding  whether  to  stay  for  the  dance,  or  to  go  on. 
And  while  they  were  thinking  over  it,  a  panther  monster  came  up,  and  they 
were  very  much  afraid.  But  as  soon  as  they  saw  him,  the  old  woman  lifted  up 
her  dress  and  told  the  men  to  come  and  get  beneath  it;  they  went  under  and 


146  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

she  protected  them.  When  the  great  monster  came  near,  he  said  to  her,  "I 
smell  people."  But  the  old  woman  said,  "You  smell  me."  The  monster 
was  deceived  and  went  away.  Then  when  it  became  time  the  men  went  to 
the  dance.  They  arrived  at  the  place  where  they  were  dancing,  and  the  men 
could  hear  the  dance  but  they  couldn't  see  anything.  They  said  to  the  old 
woman, 

"  We  can  hear,  but  we  cannot  see.  So  give  us  a  sign  so  that  we  may  know 
that  our  wives  are  here." 

Then  the  old  woman  got  a  coal  from  the  fire  and  put  it  on  the  hip  of  one 
of  the  women  who  was  now  dancing  with  the  rest.  She  did  the  same  with 
each  woman  until  the  four  had  coals  of  fire  on  their  hips.  Now  all  that  the 
men  could  see  was  the  coal,  when  the  women  were  dancing.  But  they  stayed 
there  watching.  Soon  the  old  woman  said  to  them, 

"If  you  cannot  see,  lay  down  and  go  to  sleep." 

So  they  did  as  they  were  told,  and  went  to  sleep.  The  old  woman  left 
them,  and  getting  four  large  gourds,  made  holes  in  them  and  put  one  woman 
in  each  gourd.  Then  she  carried  the  gourds  to  where  the  men  were,  and  woke 
them  up,  saying,  "Here  are  your  women. "  She  laid  the  gourds  down,  one  near 
each  man,  and  said, 

"Now  lie  down  and  sleep  again.  When  you  wake  up  you  will  be  back  on 
earth.  But  when  you  wake  up,  don't  open  the  gourds."  She  told  them, 
"  When  you  get  back  to  your  people,  go  to  a  dance  and  take  these  gourds  with 
you. " 

Then  they  went  to  sleep  again,  and  after  a  while  woke  up.  They  were 
back  on  the  earth.  They  went  on  until  they  reached  their  people.  But  on 
the  way,  one  of  the  men  became  impatient,  and  opened  his  gourd.  Imme- 
diately a  great  wind  came  out  and  went  up  in  the  air.  So  the  other  three  kept 
theirs  and  didn't  open  them.  At  last  they  reached  their  own  land.  When 
the  time  for  a  dance  came  around  they  took  their  gourds  with  them.  While 
they  were  dancing  they  hit  their  gourds  on  the  ground  and  broke  them.  The 
women  jumped  out  and  joined  them  in  the  dance.  But  the  man  who  broke 
his  beforehand,  when  he  saw  the  other  women  restored  to  their  men,  wept. 
Now  that's  the  way  it  was  done. 

The  three  who  had  done  as  the  old  woman  told  them,  had  a  good  time 
and  were  afterwards  called  by  the  others,  "the  people  hunters."  They  were 
considered  to  be  very  wise,  and  in  a  short  time  they  all  became  great  chiefs  and 
councillors  in  their  tribe. 

9.    TOBACCO  ORIGINATES  FROM  SEMEN. 

A  man  and  a  woman  went  into  the  woods.  The  man  had  intercourse 
with  the  woman  and  the  semen  fell  upon  the  ground.  From  that  time  they 
separated,  each  going  his  own  way.  But  after  a  while  the  woman  passed  near 


F.    G.    SPECK — ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI   INDIANS.  147 

the  place  again,  and  thinking  to  revisit  the  spot,  went  there  and  beheld  some 
strange  weeds  growing  upon  it.  She  watched  them  a  long  while.  Soon  she 
met  the  man  who  had  been  with  her,  and  said  to  him,  "Let  us  go  to  the  place 
and  I  will  show  you  something  beautiful."  They  went  there  and  saw  it.  She 
asked  him  what  name  to  call  the  weeds,  and  he  asked  her  what  name  she  would 
give  them.  But  neither  of  them  would  give  a  name.  Now  the  woman  had  a 
fatherless  boy,  and  she  went  and  told  the  boy  that  she  had  something  beautiful. 
She  said,  "Let  us  go  and  see  it." 

When  they  arrived  at  the  place  she  said  to  him,  "This  is  the  thing  that  I 
was  telling  you  about."  And  the  boy  at  once  began  to  examine  it.  After 
a  little  while  he  said,  "I'm  going  to  name  this."  Then  he  named  it,  V,  'to- 
bacco.' He  pulled  up  some  of  the  weeds  and  carried  them  home  carefully 
and  planted  them  in  a  selected  place.  He  nursed  the  plants  and  they  grew  and 
became  ripe.  Now  they  had  a  good  odor  and  the  boy  began  to  chew  the  leaves. 
He  found  them  very  good,  and  in  order  to  preserve  the  plants  he  saved  the  seeds 
when  they  were  ripe.  He  showed  the  rest  of  the  people  how  to  use  the  tobacco, 
and  from  the  seeds  which  he  preserved,  all  got  plants  and  raised  the  tobacco 
for  themselves. 

10.     WIND  SEEKS  His  LOST  SONS  AND  KILLS  THE  IRON  MONSTER. 

The  Wind  came  out  of  the  east  and  was  lying  somewhere,  they  say.  He 
had  four  young  men;  they  were  his  sons.  One  of  them  once  said,  "Let  us  go 
and  look  at  the  earth."  That's  why  they  went,  and  they  haven't  come  back 
yet.  So  the  young  man  went  west  and  was  gone  a  long  time ;  he  has  never  come 
back.  Soon  after,  the  second  young  man  went  and  did  not  come  back.  Then 
the  third  young  man  went  and  he  did  not  come  back.  None  of  them  came  back. 

Now  the  Wind  said,  "I  will  go  myself."  He  prepared  and  got  everything 
ready.  He  told  them  to  bring  him  a  chair.  They  brought  him  a  large  terrapin. 
Then  he  ordered  his  pipe,  telling  them  to  bring  him  a  bullfrog.  Then  he  called 
for  his  pipe-stem.  They  brought  a  kind  of  snake  and  made  a  pipe-stem.  He 
told  them  to  get  his  tobacco.  They  brought  him  snake  dung  for  tobacco.  He 
told  them  to  get  his  ammunition  bag.  They  got  him  another  snake  for  the 
ammunition  bag.  And  when  he  told  them  to  bring  a  belt  for  the  ammunition 
bag,  they  brought  him  a  bullsnake's  hide  for  that.  Then  the  Wind  was  ready. 

He  got  up  and  started  toward  the  west,  the  way  the  young  men  had  gone 
before  him.  He  followed  their  trail,  traveling  a  long  while,  and  at  last  came 
to  a  creek.  Across  the  creek  on  the  opposite  bank  he  saw  a  white  rooster.  A 
short  distance  back  there  was  a  house.  Now  when  the  rooster  saw  him  it  flew 
over  and  alighted  on  the  roof  of  the  house.  Then  someone  came  out  and 
crossed  the  creek  in  a  little  boat  to  meet  him.  Then  the  man  in  the  boat 
told  Wind  to  get  in  with  him  and  go  across.  But  Wind  said  that  he  had  his 
own  way  to  get  across.  So  he  put  the  terrapin  in  the  creek  and  got  on  his  back 


148  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

and  the  terrapin  carried  him  across.  Then  they  went  on  and  soon  reached  the 
house.  When  Wind  got  to  the  house,  the  man  gave  him  a  chair  and  told  him 
to  sit  down.  Wind  said  that  he  had  his  own  chair.  He  took  the  terrapin 
and  sat  down  on  him.  The  man  then  asked  Wind  to  smoke  with  him.  Wind 
said  that  he  was  willing,  but  that  he  had  his  own  tobacco.  And  taking  the 
snake  dung,  he  put  it  in  the  frog's  mouth,  filling  it  up. 

"Now  all  that  I  need  is  a  little  fire  to  light  my  tobacco  with,"  said  Wind. 
But  he  had  his  own  fire.  Taking  the  joint  snake  he  had  with  him  he  struck  a 
fire,  and  soon  had  a  light  for  his  pipe.  He  lighted  it  in  that  way.  Then  taking 
the  other  snake  which  was  the  pipe-stem,  he  inserted  this  in  the  frog's  anus. 
So  the  pipe  was  finished,  and  in  that  way  Wind  could  smoke  with  his  host. 

Now  the  owner  of  the  house  was  a  bad  man;  a  man  who  could  not  be 
killed.  He  was  made  of  iron.  So  he  was  Iron  Man.  Wind  knew  all  about 
that,  and  he  even  knew  that  Iron  Man  had  killed  his  four  young  men.  Then 
Wind  decided  to  kill  him.  When  he  smoked,  he  drew  in  a  great  deal  of  smoke 
and  blew  it  on  Iron  Man.  And  that  is  the  way  he  killed  him.  When  Iron  Man 
was  dead,  his  wife  came  up  and  said  to  Wind, 

"You  killed  my  man.     Let's  marry." 

But  Wind  said  that  he  would  not.  He  asked  her  where  his  four  young 
men  were  and  what  had  become  of  them.  Then  she  told  him  all  about  them. 
She  told  him  to  go  where  he  would  find  a  certain  dead  tree  near  the  water. 
She  told  him  that  if  he  would  go  and  cut  this  tree  down  and  throw  it  in  the 
water,  the  four  young  men  would  come  up  from  it.  Then  she  guided  Wind  to 
the  tree  and  said  to  him,  "Cut  it  down."  She  got  an  axe  and  Wind  cut  the 
tree  down.  Then  he  threw  it  in  the  water  as  Iron  Man's  "wife  had  told  him. 
And  the  four  young  men  came  out  of  the  water.  When  they  stood  on  the 
ground  they  all  looked  black.  They  recognized  Wind,  but  they  told  him  that 
they  were  not  under  his  control  any  longer.  "Well,  I'll  make  something 
different  out  of  you,  then,"  he  said  to  them.  Then  one  of  the  young  men 
said,  "What  shall  I  be?"  But  Wind  did  not  answer  him,  for  that. 

"I'll  be  a  wolf,"  said  the  second.  So  the  Wind  told  him  to  go  into  the 
woods,  and  he  went. 

Wind  asked  the  third  what  he  would  be.  "I'll  be  a  crow,"  said  he. 
Then  Wind  asked  the  fourth  what  he  would  be.  "I'll  be  a  raven,"  said  the 
fourth  young  man.  Wind  told  him  to  go  into  the  forest.  Now  the  first 
young  man  who  had  spoken  too  soon  was  the  only  one  left.  And  Wind  said  to 
him,  "What  will  you  be?"  "I'll  be  a  dog,"  said  he.  "Well,  you  go  and  stay 
with  the  wolf/ '  said  Wind  to  him.  And  he  went. 

Now  Wind  was  through  with  the  young  men.  He  said,  "Some  day  I  will 
go  back  where  I  came  from.  As  I  go  I'll  leave  nothing  in  my  way." 

Wind  has  never  come  back;  he  is  there  yet.  But  some  day  he  will  come. 
That  is  what  the  old  Yuchi  say. 


F.    G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  149 

11.    THE  LOST  YUCHI. 

They  say  the  Yuchi  all  lived  together  in  the  old  days.  They  had  a  dance, 
and  while  they  were  dancing,  a  quarrel  arose  among  them.  Some  of  them  had 
bear  hides  upon  their  backs,  and  the  rest  were  dancing  with  wildcat  skins. 
The  people  who  wore  the  bear  hides  then  departed.  They  went  west,  over 
the  great  mountains.  The  others  who  had  the  wildcat  skins  remained.  All 
the  Yuchi  here  are  the  wildcat  hide  people.  But  what  became  of  the  bear 
hide  people  no  one  knows.  They  are  both  Yuchi  but  they  cannot  find  each 
other. 

12.    ORIGIN  OF  THUNDER  AND  LIGHTNING. 

There  is  a  great  being,  whose  name  is  Konsdnonwl.  He  rides  over  the 
seas  upon  a  great  blacksnake.  When  he  goes  in  and  out  of  the  water,  there  is  a 
great  noise.  That  is  the  thunder.  Sometimes  the  great  snake  shakes  his  tail, 
and  that  is  what  makes  the  lightning.  But  that  is  another  story. 

13.     WHY  THE  CEDAR  TREE  is  RED-GRAINED*,  AND  How  THE  SUN  WAS 
RESCUED  FROM  A  SORCERER. 

An  unknown  mysterious  being  once  came  down  upon  the  earth  and  met 
people  there,  who  were  the  ancestors  of  the  Yuchi  Indians.  To  them  this  being 
taught  many  of  the  arts  of  life,  and  in  matters  of  religion  admonished  them  to 
call  the  sun  their  mother  as  a  matter  of  worship.  Every  morning  the  sun, 
after  rising  above  the  horizon,  makes  short  stops,  and  then  goes  faster  until  it 
reaches  the  noon  point.  So  the  Unknown  inquired  of  them  what  was  the 
matter  with  the  sun.  They  denied  having  any  knowledge  about  it,  and  said, 
"Somebody  has  to  go  there  to  see  and  examine."  "Who  would  go  there,  and 
what  could  he  do  after  he  gets  there?"  The  people  said,  "We  are  afraid  to  go 
up  there."  But  the  Unknown  selected  two  men  to  make  the  ascent,  gave  to 
each  a  club,  and  instructed  them  that  as  soon  as  the  wizard  who  was  playing 
these  tricks  on  the  sun  was  leaving  his  cavern  in  the  earth  and  appeared  on 
the  surface  they  should  kill  him  on  the  spot.  "It  is  a  wizard  who  causes  the 
sun  to  go  so  fast  in  the  morning,  for  at  sunrise  he  makes  dashes  at  it,  and  the  sun, 
being  afraid  of  him,  tries  to  flee  from  his  presence. "  The  two  brave  men  went 
to  the  rising  place  of  the  sun  to  watch  the  orifice  from  which  the  sun  emerges. 
The  wizard  appeared  at  the  mouth  of  the  cave,  and  at  the  same  time  the  sun 
was  to  rise  from  another  orifice  beyond  it.  The  wizard  watched  for  the  fiery 
disk  and  put  himself  in  position  to  rush  and  jump  at  it  at  the  moment  of  its 
appearance.  When  the  wizard  held  up  his  head  the  two  men  knocked  it  off 
from  his  body  with  their  clubs,  took  it  to  their  tribe,  and  proclaimed  that  they 

1  From  A.  S.  Gatschet,  Some  Mythic  Stories  of  the  Yuchi  Indians,  American  Anthro- 
pologist, Vol.  VI,  p.  281. 


150  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

had  killed  the  sorcerer  who  had  for  so  long  a  time  urged  the  sun  to  a  quicker 
motion.  But  the  wizard's  head  was  not  dead  yet.  It  was  stirring  and  moving 
about,  and  to  stop  this  the  man  of  mysterious  origin  advised  the  people  to  tie 
the  head  on  the  uppermost  limbs  of  a  tree.  They  did  so,  and  on  the  next 
morning  the  head  fell  to  the  ground,  for  it  was  not  dead  yet.  He  then  ordered 
them  to  tie  the  head  to  another  tree.  It  still  lived  and  fell  to  the  ground  the 
next  day.  To  insure  success,  the  Unknown  then  made  them  tie  it  to  a  red 
cedar  tree.  There  it  remained,  and  its  life  became  extinct.  The  blood  of  the 
head  ran  through  the  cedar.  Henceforth  the  grain  of  the  wood  assumed  a 
reddish  color,  and  the  cedar  tree  became  a  medicine  tree.1 

14.     THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  WHITE  PEOPLE  AND  THEIR  FIRST  APPEARANCE  TO 

THE  YUCHI. 

It  was  out  upon  the  ocean.  Some  sea-foam  formed  against  a  big  log  float- 
ing there.  Then  a  person  emerged  from  the  sea-foam  and  crawled  out  upon  the 
log.  He  was  seen  sitting  there.  Another  person  crawled  up,  on  the  other  side 
of  the  log.  It  was  a  woman.  They  were  whites.  Soon  the  Indians  saw  them, 
and  at  first  thought  that  they  were  sea-gulls,  and  they  said  among  themselves, 
"Are  not  they  white  people?"  Then  they  made  a  boat  and  went  out  to  look 
at  the  strangers  more  closely. 

Later  on  the  whites  were  seen  in  their  house-boat.    Then  they  disappeared. 

•In  about  a  year  they  returned,  and  there  were  a  great  many  of  them. 
The  Indians  talked  to  them  but  they  could  not  understand  each  other.  Then 
the  whites  left. 

But  they  came  back  in  another  year  with  a  great  many  ships.  They  ap- 
proached the  Indians  and  asked  if  they  could  come  ashore.  They  said,  "Yes. " 
So  the  whites  landed,  but  they  seemed  to  be  afraid  to  walk  much  on  the  water. 
They  went  away  again  over  the  sea. 

This  time  they  were  gone  a  shorter  time;  only  three  months  passed  and 
they  came  again.  They  had  a  box  with  them  and  asked  the  Indians  for  some 
earth  to  fill  it.  It  was  given  to  them  as  they  desired.  The  first  time  they 
asked  they  had  a  square  box,  and  when  that  was  filled  they  brought  a  big 
shallow  box.  They  filled  this  one  too.  Earth  was  put  in  them  and  when  they 
"were  carried  aboard  the  ship  the  white  men  planted  seed  in  them  and  many 
things  were  raised.  After  they  had  taken  away  the  shallow  box,  the  xvhites 
came  back  and  told  the  Indians  that  their  land  was  very  strong  and  fertile. 
,So  they  asked  the  Indians  to  give  them  a  portion  of  it  that  they  might  live  on 
it.  The  Indians  agreed  to  do  it,  the  whites  came  to  the  shore,  and  they  have 
lived  there  ever  since. 

1  Cedar  wood  is  always  used  in  the  manufacture  of  the  flageolet  (see  Music)  and  cedar 
leaves  are  important  agents  in  the  medicinal  practice  (q.  v.). 


F.  G.  SPECK — ETHNOLOGY  OF  THE  YUCHI  INDIANS.  151 

15.     THE  WOLVES  KILL  THE  TERRAPIN  AND  GIVE  THE  TERRAPIN  RED  EYES. 

The  Terrapin  was  lying  in  a  hollow.  A  Wolf  came  near  and  stood  on  the 
slope  above  the  Terrapin.  The  Terrapin  soon  began  to  revile  the  Wolf,  calling 
him  bad  names.  Now  the  Wolf  became  very  angry  and  straightway  called  his 
friends  to  help  him  punish  the  Terrapin.  They  gave  chase  and  the  Terrapin 
was  compelled  to  crawl  into  a  hollow  log.  They  soon  managed  to  get  her  out 
of  this,  but  she  got  away  and  climbed  up  a  grapevine  into  a  tree.  The  wolves 
searched  for  her  and  at  last  saw  her  shadow.  But  they  did  not  see  where  the 
Terrapin  was,  until  afterwards.  Then  they  began  shooting  at  her  and  finally 
killed  her  with  the  old  arrows  which  they  picked  up.  The  Wolf  who  was  at  the 
head  of  them  told  them  what  to  do.  So  they  tore  her  up.  Then  he  took  her 
head  and  held  it  up  and  asked  who  would  eat  it.  The  one  whom  he  asked 
would  not  eat  it.  He  said,  "No !  I  will  not  eat  it;  it  would  give  me  a  headache 
and  kill  me."  He  offered  it  to  another  one,  and  received  the  same  answer. 
Each  time  he  offered  it  to  a  wolf  it  was  refused,  and  he  could  get  no  one  to  eat 
the  Terrapin's  head.  Then  the  Wolf  became  very  angry  and  took  some  of  the 
blood  and  threw  it  in  the  eyes  of  the  young  terrapins  who  were  standing  around. 
That  is  why  all  terrapins  have  red  eyes. 

16.    THE  HERON  OUTWITS  THE   PARROT. 

The  Parrot  and  the  Heron  were  friends.  They  met  one  day  and  the 
Parrot  asked  the  Heron  to  come  over  and  visit  him.  The  Heron  was  willing,  so 
one  day  he  went  over  to  pay  his  visit.  The  Parrot  was  going  to  have  dinner 
for  him.  When  the  food  was  ready,  the  Parrot  put  a  flat  dish  full  of  it  before 
the  Heron  and  told  him  to  eat  away.  But  the  dish  was  so  flat  that  he  could 
not  get  any  of  the  food  into  his  mouth.  After  trying  a  number  of  times  he 
gave  it  up  and  decided  to  go  home  hungry.  But  before  he  left  he  asked  the 
Parrot  to  come  over  and  have  dinner  with  him  soon.  Then  he  left. 

Before  long  the  Parrot  went  to  dine  with  the  Heron.  The  Heron  had 
things  ready  and  when  they  thought  it  time  to  eat,  he  got  out  his  dinner.  But 
now  his  dinner  was  in  a  high  deep  pot.  This  was  all  right  for  the  Heron,  but 
the  Parrot  could  not  get  his  bill  near  the  food,  because  the  pot  was  too  deep. 
So  he  had  to  go  home  hungry  himself,  just  as  the  Heron  had  to  when  he  visited 
him.  He  was  disappointed. 

17.    RABBIT  OUTWITS  WOLF  AND  STEALS  PIGS. 

The  Rabbit  and  the  Wolf  were  friends.  One  day  the  Rabbit  said  to  the 
Wolf,  "There  are  some  fine  pigs  in  a  certain  pen.  I  always  kill  and  eat  some. 
Let  us  go  and  get  some  now. "  So  the  Wolf  agreed  and  they  went  to  the  place 
where  some  one  had  some  fine  hogs.  "Now,"  said  Rabbit  to  the  Wolf,  "you 
are  the  largest.  You  jump  over  the  fence  and  knock  one  on  the  head  and 


152  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   PUB.    UNIV.    OF   PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

kill  him.  Throw  him  over  the  fence.  You  are  the  larger.  You  carry  him 
and  go  on  home  and  I  will  watch."  The  Wolf  jumped  over  and  got  a  good 
hog.  He  dragged  him  over  the  fence  and  started  to  carry  him  home.  But 
the  Rabbit  had  gone  and  cut  a  big  pole.  When  the  Wolf  came  along,  Rabbit 
ran  around  his  head  and  hit  him  with  the  pole.  Then  the  Wolf  dropped  the 
hog  and  made  off  for  home  as  fast  as  he  could.  He  was  struck  hard,  for  he 
never  looked  back  to  see  what  it  was.  Now  the  Rabbit  took  the  hog  and  carried 
it  home  with  him.  All  night  he  roasted  meat  and  had  a  good  time. 

Then  he  thought,  "I  have  hit  my  good  friend,  I  must  go  and  see  him." 
He  laughed  a  great  deal.  Then  he  went  to  the  Wolf's  house  to  see  him.  "  What 
was  the  matter  with  you?"  he  asked  him.  "They  whipped  me, "  said  the  Wolf. 
"Yes,  I  heard  you  making  a  din  and  I  ran  off,"  said  Rabbit. 

18.    RABBIT  AND  WOLF  Go  COURTING. 

The  Rabbit  and  the  Wolf  were  fond  of  two  girls.  But  the  girls  would  often 
make  fun  of  the  Rabbit  because  he  was  smaller  and  weaker  than  the  Wolf. 
"Well,  I  am  smarter  than  Wolf,  and  you  will  see,"  said  he  at  last. 

Soon  he  met  the  Wolf,  who  was  on  his  way  to  the  girls'  house.  The  Wolf 
wanted  company  so  he  asked  Rabbit  to  go  with  him.  "No,"  said  Rabbit,  "I 
am  too  tired. "  "  Well,  never  mind,  get  up  on  my  back  and  ride, "  the  Wolf  told 
him.  Then  the  Rabbit  agreed,  and  mounted  the  Wolf's  back.  "  But  you  must 
go  slowly.  I  am  sore, "  he  said.  Soon  they  arrive  at  the  house.  "Now,  I'll 
go  and  knock  on  the  door, you  wait  here, "said  the  Rabbit.  Then  he  knocks 
on  the  door,  and  when  the  girls  come,  he  says  to  them,  "See  the  Wolf  hitched 
out  there.  He  is  my  horse.  I'll  drive  him  in."  Then  he  goes  out  and  tells 
the  Wolf  that  the  girls  are  ready  and  want  to  see  them.  He  mounts  the  Wolf's 
back  again.  Then  he  digs  his  spurs  into  the  Wolf  and  whips  him  up.  They 
dash  through  the  door,  and  almost  break  down  the  house.  "See!  I  told  you 
so,"  shouted  the  Rabbit  as  he  rushed  by  the  frightened  girls. 

19.    THE  RABBIT  is  TRAPPED  BY  THE  TAR-MAN,  AND  ESCAPES. 

Now  the  Rabbit  used  to  steal  beans  from  a  certain  man.  He  would  go 
to  the  place  where  the  beans  were  kept,  during  the  night,  and  steal  as  many  as 
he  needed.  The  man  made  up  his  mind  to  catch  the  Rabbit.  So  he  got  some 
tar  (yasocl',  'pine  drops, ')  and  made  a  little  man  out  of  it.  He  put  a  stick  in  its 
hand  and  laid  it  near  where  the  beans  were  the  next  night.  Again  the  Rabbit 
went  to  steal  beans.  But  when  he  got  to  the  place  and  saw  the  tar-man  there 
with  a  stick,  he  became  angry,  and  told  the  little  man  that  if  he  did  not  drop 
the  stick,  he  would  kick  him.  Then  he  kicked  him,  but  his  foot  stuck  to  the 
tar-man,  and  Rabbit  then  told  him  that,  unless  he  let  go,  he  would  kick  him 
again.  So  he  kicked  him  again,  and  that  foot,  too,  got  stuck.  Then  Rabbit 


F.    G.    SPECK ETHNOLOGY    OF   THE   YUCHI    INDIANS.  153 

told  him  that,  if  he  did  not  let  go  now,  he  would  hit  him.  Then  he  hit  the  little 
man  and  his  hand  stuck  where  he  hit  the  tar.  Rabbit  then  told  him  the  same 
thing  as  before,  and  when  he  hit  him  with  the  other  hand  that  stuck  too.  So 
the  Rabbit  was  well  trapped. 

In  the  morning  the  owner  of  the  beans  came  to  see  what  had  happened. 
He  laughed  when  he  saw  Rabbit  caught  there,  and  got  everything  ready  to 
loosen  the  Rabbit  and  put  him  in  a  box.  But  Rabbit  escaped  from  the  man  and 
ran  away.  Then  the  man  put  the  tar-man  among  the  beans  again.  Before 
many  nights  had  passed  Rabbit  came  again  for  beans,  and  the  same  thing 
happened  as  before.  Rabbit  quarreled  with  the  tar-man  and  soon  was  trapped 
hand  and  foot.  Now  this  time  the  owner  of  the  beans  came  and  when  he  found 
Rabbit  caught  again  he  made  sure  that  he  would  not  escape.  He  got  him  safely 
in  a  box,  and  said,  "To-morrow  I'll  throw  you  in  the  river."  He  left  Rabbit 
all  night.  Now  before  the  time  came  for  the  man  to  throw  him  into  the  river, 
Rabbit  was  determined  to  escape. 

The  man's  son  was  playing  around  near  the  box  where  Rabbit  was,  and 
soon  Rabbit  said  to  him,  "Let  me  out,  and  you  get  in  here;  they  are  going  to 
throw  me  into  the  river. "  So  the  boy  did  open  the  box  and  got  in  himself. 
Then  the  Rabbit  ran  away.  The  man  threw  the  boy  into  the  river.  That  was 
his  son,  but  he  did  not  know  it. 

20.    THE  RABBIT  VISITS  THE  BEAR  AND  FAILS  TO  IMITATE  HIM. 

The  Bear  and  the  Rabbit  were  friends.  The  Rabbit  went  to  visit  the 
Bear  and  to  have  dinner  with  him.  Before  they  were  ready  to  eat,  the  Bear 
went  upstairs  and  cut  some  fat  from  his  entrails.  Then  he  cooked  it  with  the 
beans.  The  dinner  was  very  good,  and  Rabbit  thought  about  it  and  made  up 
his  mind  to  do  the  same  as  the  Bear  when  he  wanted  to  have  a  fine  dinner. 
Then  the  Rabbit  told  the  Bear  to  come  to  see  him.  Said  he,  "  I  live  in  the 
raspberry  patch.  You  must  come  to  dinner." 

Soon  the  Bear  went  over  to  the  Rabbit's  house  and  visited  him.  Before 
dinner  the  Rabbit  went  upstairs  to  cut  some  fat  from  his  entrails.  But  when 
he  cut  his  entrails  he  was  hurt,  and  the  pain  was  so  great  that  he  made  a  great 
uproar.  The  Bear  ran  upstairs  to  see  what  was  the  matter,  and  found  that 
Rabbit  had  cut  his  entrails.  "Now,"  said  the  Bear,  "I'll  show  you  how  to  do 
that."  And  he  cut  some  fat  from  himself  and  cooked  it  with  the  beans  that 
Rabbit  had  prepared.  Then  they  had  their  dinner.  The  Bear  thought  about 
it  and  went  home  laughing. 

21.    WILDCAT  FEIGNS  DEATH  AND  DECEIVES  THE  RABBIT. 

The  Wildcat  was  lying  in  a  shady  place  in  the  woods.  They  thought  he 
was  asleep.  The  Rabbit  came  that  way  and  found  him  lying  there.  So  he 


154  ANTHROPOLOGICAL    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,   VOL.    I. 

called  the  Turkeys  and  told  them  that  the  Wildcat  was  dead  and  lying  not  far 
away.  They  assembled  and  made  ready  for  a  good  time.  A  rattle  was  brought 
and  they  began  to  dance,  round  and  round  the  Wildcat.  Then  they  thought 
they  might  as  well  eat  him.  But  suddenly  the  Wildcat  jumped  up  among 
them.  He  caught  the  Rabbit  and  a  fat  Turkey. 


ANTH.    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.   MUSEUM,    VOL. 


PORTRAITS  OF  YUCHI  MEN  AND  WOMEN  (FULL  FACE  AND  PROFILE). 


ANTH.    PUB.    UNIV.   OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    I. 


11  12, J 

PORTRAITS  OF  YUCHI  MEN  AND  WOMEN. 


ANTH.    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    I. 


10  & 


TYPES  OP  YUCHI  POTTERY,  MORTAR  AND  PESTLE. 


ANTH.    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL. 


TYPES  OF  YUCHI  BASKETRY. 


ANTH.    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    I. 


BUCKSKIN  COAT  (CHEROKEE). 


BREECHCLOTH,  LEGGINGS,  MOCCASINS  AND  SASHES. 


ANTH.    PUB.    UNIV.  OF    PA.   MUSEUM,    VOL. 
1 

2 


SASHES,  GARTERS  AND  NECKBANDS. 


BALL  STICKS  AND  BALL. 


SPOONS  AND  LADLES. 


ANTH.    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.   MUSEUM.    VOL.    I. 


MEDICINE  PIPE,  FLAGEOLET  AND  KATTLES. 


DANCE  WANDS,  FEATHER  TREMBLERS  AND  FAN 


TORTOISE  SHELL  LEG  RATTLES. 


ANTH.  PUB.  UNIV.  OF  PA.  MUSEUM,  VOL 

\ 


'•^" 


"»      °      •       «.>       °     °       JO       O     O         -v          «      O 

3  0%  x  cco  B  ooo   >    oco 


2:5 


YUCHI  BEADWORK  DESIGNS.      (See  page  56.) 


ANTH.  PUB.  UNIV.  OF  PA.  MUSEUM,  VOL.  I. 


11 

YUCHI  PICTURES,  DRAWINGS  AND  DESIGNS.     (See  page  57.) 


ANTH.   PUB.  UNIV.  OF  PA.   MUSEUM,  VOL.   I. 


YUCHI  FACIAL  PAINTING.     (See  page  76.) 


ANTH.    PUB.   UNIV.  OF   PA.   MUSEUM,   VOL.  I. 


SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  PUBLIC  SQUARE-GROUND.     (Seepage  111.) 


ANTH.    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL. 


1.     BIG  TURTLE  DANCE.     FIRST  NIGHT,  ANNUAL  CEREMONY. 


2.     BIG  TURTLE  DANCE.     FIRST  NIGHT,  ANNUAL  CEREMONY. 


ANTH.    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM.    VOL.    I. 


? 


1.     THE  SCRATCHING  OPERATION.     SECOND  DAY,  ANNUAL  CEKKMONY. 


2.     THE  SCRATCHING  OPERATION  CONCLUDED.     SECOND  DAY,  ANNUAL  CEREMONY. 


ANTH.    PUB.    UMV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    I. 


1.     THE  RITE  OF  THE  EMETIC.     SECOND  DAY,  ANNUAL  CEREMONY. 


2.     THE  RITE  OF  THE  EMETIC  CONCLUDED.     SECOND  DAY,  ANNUAL  CEREMONY. 


ANTH.    PUB.    UNIV.    OF    PA.    MUSEUM,    VOL.    I. 


' 


.'     '  '•      .         ••'••;• 


SCENES  AT  THE  BALL  GAME.     SECOND  DAY,  ANNUAL  CEKE.MOXV.